Bulgaria’s UN Ambassador banged the gavel as President of the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) for the first time on Monday with a vow to build on the “solid foundation” left by the outgoing head and his bureau to transform the world into “a better place for the people of today and tomorrow”.
Ambassador Lachezara Stoeva , New ECOSOC President, said in her opening statement that she was “honoured and humbled” to have been elected to lead one of the principal organs of the UN, while noting that the upcoming session will be “especially challenging for the world”.
In addition to COVID recovery, she highlighted the ongoing war in Ukraine, which has “triggered massive food insecurity, energy shortages and financial crises”.
The new ECOSOC chief elaborated on initiatives to assist in overcoming “the crises that have engulfed our societies”.
As ECOSOC President, Ms. Stoeva’s said her first priority was to ensure that the Council and the High Level Political Forum (HLPF) which is the climax of its work each year, provides “solid, evidence-based, innovative and actionable policy guidance” to curb and address the pandemic’s impacts on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
Secondly, she aims to help bridge the “great finance divide” that has sharply curtailed the ability of many developing nations to recover.
Her third priority is to ensure preparations advance for the SDG Summit taking place in September 2023, by building momentum and reviving “the passion that characterized the elaboration and implementation of the SDGs”, which were agreed in 2015.
Fourth, she aims to build on the success of this year’s Humanitarian Affairs Segment to “support and reinforce” the UN and its humanitarian partners in addressing “profound humanitarian challenges” worldwide.
Fifth, Ambassador Stoeva aims to follow-up on the recommendations made to ECOSOC in the Secretary-General’s Our Common Agenda blueprint for action, while her sixth priority will be to provide better access to youth, civil society and others.
Her final priority she said, would be to implement the recommendations adopted by the General Assembly in June 2021 for reforming the work of ECOSOC and the HLPF.
Ambassador Stoeva assumed her duties as Bulgaria’s Permanent Representative to the UN in February last year and has served as ECOSOC Vice-President responsible for the Management Segment, where she successfully led the Council’s review of the Functional Commissions and Expert Bodies.
Fond farewell
In a heartfelt speech, outgoing President Collen Kelapile said that he was “deeply honoured and elated” to have served in the top job for the past year.
Reminding that it was the first time that Botswana had occupied the seat, he described it as “a momentous occasion for both my country and I personally”.
Before handing over the reins, Mr. Kelapile looked back at the main theme of both ECOSOC and the HLPF this month, highlighting the “eight broad priorities”, of his term, which included vaccine equity, inequalities, post-conflict recovery, and youth engagement.
He also highlighted the Council’s new Coordination Segment and a revitalized Partnership Forum to guide its subsidiary bodies, reminding that it has dealt with conflict, post-conflict and humanitarian emergencies, including in Haiti, South Sudan, and the Sahel region.
The outgoing President also drew attention to meetings during his tenure surrounding the climate crisis, implementing the New Urban Agenda, and supporting the advance of the SDGs during the recent months of crises on multiple fronts.
A girl walks home from school after the Nile river flooded on the outskirts of Juba, South Sudan.
Championing the vulnerable
As President, he reminded that ECOSOC continued to advocate for Least Developed Countries (LDCs), Landlocked Developing Countries (LLDCs) and Small Island Developing States (SIDS), as well as a special push on behalf of African countries, “providing them a platform to share their experiences and development challenges”.
Ambassador Kelapile has called for strengthened international cooperation, global solidarity and partnerships to overcome their development challenges and lent support for inclusive and sustainable recovery in these countries.
Looking ahead
In passing the gavel to Ambassador Stoeva, he wished her “all the best” in leading ECOSOC’s work on COVID-19 recovery, and implementing the 2030 Agenda during the Decade of Action.
He thanked all who supported him and asked that they “extend the same support and cooperation” to her.
In closing, Ambassador Kelapile stressed the need to work together “harder” and coordinate further.
“With less than eight years to 2030, it is clear that the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its Sustainable Development Goals must remain our guiding framework”.
The UN Children’s Fund UNICEF, delivered supplies on Tuesday to help an estimated 50,000 children in the war-ravaged districts of Odesa, the crucial Black Sea port which Russia bombed on Saturday, just hours after signing a landmark deal to allow Ukrainian grain to reach millions of food insecure people across the world.
Using a total of 27 cargo trucks, UNICEF was able to access the southern Ukrainian city and pre-position water purification equipment, sanitation and hygiene supplies, to prevent sickness due to lack of clean water and sanitation – a major threat to vulnerable families caught in war.
Around 110,000 people will benefit said UNICEF, from the filters and chemicals which were part of the aid delivery, along with hygiene kits which should help keep some 14,000 children healthy.
“UNICEF is delivering life-saving supplies to important areas including Odesa and surrounds, so we can quickly respond to the most vulnerable families who are affected by the ongoing fighting and shelling in eastern Ukraine,” said UNICEF Ukraine Representative Murat Sahin.
“Provision of safe water supplies and hygiene kits will help an estimated 50,000 children stay healthy in these challenging circumstances.”
As well as Odesa city, these supplies will be delivered to regions close to the fighting, including Mykolaiv, which has come under heavy shelling in recent weeks.
Helping the displaced
Additionally, the supplies will contribute to improving the living conditions of internally displaced families and children, many of whom have fled to Odesa from war-affected districts.
Yesterday we managed to deliver 50 tons of humanitarian supplies to the people in Stepnohirsk, Zaporizka oblast. Yet, since the start of the war, we haven’t been able to deliver life-saving aid to so many in non-Government-controlled areas. pic.twitter.com/bybyuRmayJ
Last Friday’s UN-brokered deal paving the way for Ukraine to begin exporting grain once more to markets in the developing world, will rely on being able to ship cereals out of Odesa’s main port, which has been under threat since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February, and the mining of waterways around the coastal city.
So far, the city has been relatively unscathed compared with the near total destruction of Mariupol further to the east. But on Saturday, Russia launched cruise missile strikes, reportedly confirming on Sunday via a foreign ministry spokesperson, that it had been targeting military infrastructure in Odesa port.
More aid to Government-controlled areas
Amid continuing hopes that the first shipments of stranded grain could leave Ukraine’s Black Sea ports within days, 50 tons of different humanitarian supplies, initially destined for another hard-hit location, have been delivered to the severely affected Government-controlled settlement of Stepnohirsk.
Due to the ongoing hostilities, UN and humanitarian partners have been unable to deliver any assistance to non-Government-controlled areas since the start of the war.
In this instance, the town of Polohy, could not be reached, said a statement from UN humanitarians in Ukraine, issued on Monday night.
According to the Humanitarian Coordinator for Ukraine, Osnat Lubrani, medicine, food, blankets and supplies for children were delivered to Stepnohirsk and will also be sent to the neighbouring town of Prymorske.
About 5,000 people in urgent need will benefit from the items delivered.
Ms. Lubrani called on all the parties to the conflict to allow life-saving aid to reach those most in need.
In the postwar years, there were so many Jews in the American publishing industry that some writers began coining a phrase to describe them: “The literary mafia.”
This mafia, they believed, secretly ensured that Jewish books and authors would get published by the major publishing houses, covered in the literary press and supported at the major academic institutions — at the expense of other, non-Jewish writers, or even the “wrong” kinds of Jewish writers.
Such a belief, sometimes driven by antisemitism and sometimes by a general feeling of literary displacement and career frustration, was shared by figures including Truman Capote and Flannery O’Connor to describe the sensation they felt watching their Jewish peers like Philip Roth, Saul Bellow and Cynthia Ozick. In writings of the time period, they and other notable authors believed that powerful industry Jews were the cause behind any of their careers being stalled.
The term was also employed, self-consciously, by many of the actual prominent Jews who worked in the literary sphere, from publishing houses to literary magazines to academia. These Jews would would sometimes make jokes about how many other Jews they encountered at the top of their industries, or express frustration that they weren’t on the inside circle of them.
Josh Lambert, director of the Jewish Studies program at Wellesley College, explores the curious phenomenon of the “literary mafia” in his new book: “The Literary Mafia: Jews, Publishing, And Postwar American Literature,” released this week by Yale University Press. Drawing from the correspondences of prominent Jewish authors, editors, publishers and academics from the time period, including Knopf editor Harold Strauss, Esquire editor Gordon Lish, Columbia University professor Lionel Trilling and author Ann Birstein, the book dispels the myth of the “literary mafia.” But Lambert also argues that Jews in positions of power may be inclined to help other Jews, because their personal and professional networks are made up of Jews.
In the book, Lambert unpacks the professional and personal relationships that informed this period of what he calls “Jewish literary enfranchisement” — and the ways in which such networks of influence persist into the modern era.
This interview has been condensed and edited.
JTA: Let’s start with the broadest possible question: Was there a “Jewish literary mafia”? And if there was, what was it?
Lambert: I think the best way I can answer that question is, no, there wasn’t, but it’s not uninteresting to talk about it anyway. There wasn’t the Jewish literary mafia that Truman Capote thought there was where he said, “Oh, these people are scheming and conspiring.” And there wasn’t even the Jewish literary mafia that Jewish writer Meyer Levin thought there was, where [he thought] people got together at parties and said, “We’re never going to talk about his book.” That didn’t happen.
The question that I think is more interesting is: why did serious people even talk about this? Why did this idea, this meme or trope, last for 20 or 30 years? And the answer is actually really easy, I think, for anyone who works in journalism, or the culture industry. If you’ve worked in any industry like that for five minutes, you can say there are some people who had it easier, who had a smoother path. They got helped out, they had advantages, their pitches got accepted quicker. Even aside from that, you have relationships with people, and they come to bear on who gives you a chance to do things or who helps you out.
And it’s easy to imagine why someone who’s on the wrong side of that, in some moments, feels like it’s not fair, feels like something’s going wrong, feels like there’s a problem. So this trope of the “literary mafia,” it’s just the place where people put their feelings about the improper or unfair uses of power — in the case of my book, in the publishing industry.
Were there cases where people used their power inappropriately? For sure. I talk about them in the book. But also, I think we need to talk in a more thoughtful way about, what is that power, that influence, that ability to shape what gets read or published? And who has it and how do they use that power?
You are a scholar of Jewish culture and Jewish literature talking about the influence of Jews in the publishing industry. There’s a part in your book where you’re just listing the Jews who currently or used to work in publishing. Why draw attention to this when this could encourage an antisemitic reading of the history that you’re presenting?
I think that if there’s like a consistency between this book and my last book [“Unclean Lips: Obscenity, Jews, and American Culture”], it’s precisely that. I don’t want to hand the conversation to antisemites, no matter how strong they are or how terrifying they are. They shouldn’t be the ones who get to decide how we talk about these kinds of issues.
In my last book about obscenity, antisemites used it in a horrible way, in an inappropriate way, in a pernicious way. [David Duke tweeted admiringly about “Unclean Lips,” and it was cited in some antisemitic publications as “evidence” that Jews are sexual predators.] I kind of knew they were going to do that. And they might do it with this book. And the thing is, I think David Duke is going to do what he does, irrespective of what I do, so I’m not going to worry about that.
But I do think the audience that I want to talk to, which is Jews in America and non-Jews who care about the literary system who are not antisemites — I think the idea that we couldn’t talk about Jewish success, Jewish influence, Jewish power only distorts and only stops us from understanding important and really meaningful things.
So, that list: Making a list of any kind of Jew feels a little strange. But at the same time, denying it or pretending it’s not there really feels uncomfortable.
You call the postwar period in literature a time of “Jewish literary enfranchisement.” What prompted that, and what were some of the pros and cons of this sudden elevation of Jews to positions of power in publishing, magazines and academia?
I was looking for a term, and “enfranchisement” I liked because it doesn’t tell you what a person is going to do. It just says that they have a new opportunity and a new way to use it. And what caused that exactly is still hard to disentangle from other socioeconomic changes happening for Jews. We know in the postwar period, Jews are doing better economically. There’s more support politically for Jews in different ways. And the the success in the publishing industry is related to all that, but also just related to the growth of these companies that Jews founded in the 1910s and 1920s that are succeeding wildly, and that are just not discriminating against Jewish employees.
It’s actually really hard to wrap your head around what the disenfranchisement looked like, which didn’t mean that no single Jew ever got to publish anything, or that no Jewish person could ever do something, but really meant that as a general thing, Jews weren’t in decision-making positions. Whereas in the postwar period it becomes completely unremarkable, in a literal sense, that Jews had any jobs in the field.
You think to yourself: What changes when there hasn’t been a person from this particular minority group who [now] has a gatekeeping function in this industry? For an editor at [Jewish-owned publishing house] Knopf, Harold Strauss, the answer is that, once people from that minority group are in that position, they’re projecting their own ideas about what this group’s identity is, what it should be, onto their decision making. A whole bunch of Jewish editors get the chance to shape a publishing program and say, these are the kinds of books that I think people will want to read. And I think that it’s absolutely a mixed bag.
[Knopf] did a wonderful job of publishing Yiddish in translation. Why was it able to do that? Because they really liked high-prestige European literature, and they can present some Yiddish literature not as sweatshop poetry, but like Dostoyevsky and Tolstoy. At the same time, part of what Knopf was more comfortable with than some other publishers, because it was a Jewish house, was stuff that I think most of us would look at and say was antisemitic. Stuff like H. L. Mencken writing a couple passages about Jews as the worst group of people on the planet.
It was almost like, because they were self-conscious of their identity as Jews, that they felt more like they could publish some of this antisemitic writing as a way to almost ward off accusations that they were part of a literary mafia.
You have chapters on ingrained misogyny and blatant instances of nepotism among Jews in publishing houses. What are the lessons for Jews to take away from these chronicles of the failings of literary leaders of the time?
I’ll speak to the nepotism piece because I think that’s part of the place where it’s clearest. Nepotism is this enormous force in our society. If you think about your friends, people you know, people you’ve grown up with, it makes an enormous difference in people’s lives whether they have wealthy parents and grandparents or not. This is generally true of Western culture. The thing that’s different is that, three or four generations ago, most American Jews couldn’t expect that kind of inheritance. And in the last 20, 30, 40 years, that’s become much more common.
It’s not ubiquitous. It’s not everyone in the American Jewish community, but it really does change where Jews sit, vis-a-vis other people in America, in terms of their advantages. What do you want to do with the advantages and privileges and power that you’re given? If we can agree that it’s a lot easier for a young Jewish person who happens to be bookish to get a job in publishing, to succeed in that career, and we care about larger social justice issues, I think that it pushes us to want to ask questions like, what can we do?
As a parent myself, I know: I love my kids. It’s not like I want my kids not to succeed. But I do want to create systems that aren’t saying that the children of the most privileged people will continue to be the most privileged people in every instance.
This year’s Pulitzer winner for fiction,Joshua Cohen’s “The Netanyahus,”is an extremely specific rendering of American Jewish life and intra-Jewish politics. It’s not dissimilar to the scene that you depict in the book of Philip Roth and Saul Bellow and all these other Jews winning major literary prizes in the ’50s. Is the idea of the “Jewish literary mafia” still with us?
There’s absolutely no question that Jews still are prominent and successful and thriving. And if you gave me three college kids who are wanting to work in publishing and one was a Jewish kid, my money would be on them that they’d have the best chance of succeeding — because they’ll have the most connections, etc.
That Pulitzer decision, when a prize like that happens, it feels like it tells you something about the cultural moment. The Pulitzer board makes public the names of the judges on that panel that awarded the prize to Josh Cohen’s book. What’s really important is to not think of it as the Pulitzer, but as a conversation that happened among those three or four people. What do we know about them and what their interests are? [The jury members for the 2022 Fiction Pulitzers were Whiting Foundation director Courtney Hodell, Kirkus Reviews Editor-in-Chief Tom Beer, Wall Street Journal fiction columnist Sam Sacks, Northwestern University professor Chris Abani and Deborah Heard, former director of the Hurston/Wright Foundation supporting Black writers.]
A prize is never an objective or pure representation of a book. It’s always just a story about a group of people and what they’re excited about in a particular moment.
This is a meta question: You talk about the relationships you were able to draw on yourself, as a Jewish academic in the publishing space, in order to publish this book, and one of the reasons I’m interviewing you is that we know each other through similar spaces: you were a grad student instructor of mine, and I later participated in a Jewish writing fellowship you ran. How are you thinking about these kinds of relationships as you’re navigating the world and your own career?
I really appreciate the question because I just think, on some larger level, that’s what I want the book to be thinking about. One, more transparency about that is good. It’s good that we should say that we know each other. I don’t think it makes the fact that you’re going to publish a piece about my book impossibly corrupt, or a sign of something deeply wrong. But it’s fair to say that I would do you a favor if I could, and I probably have, and I’d appreciate it if you would do me a favor.
I do feel like as you pay more attention to that, it should have an effect on how you act and how you deploy whatever power you’ve amassed. One of the things that Wellesley has is this incredible alumni network, where alums from the school are really compelled by the idea of helping out a contemporary student. And I say to them, it’s worth thinking about what’s similar and different in that alumni network to the Harvard alumni network. Because if what your alumni network does is take people who are privileged and have the most access to power and give them an extra boost of power, you might want to think that that’s not the best thing to support. But if you’re thinking about industries in which women and nonbinary people have been traditionally and continually underrepresented and discriminated against, and the Wellesley alumni network can help to push for more justice and equity in those fields, then it’s an amazing thing.
To the degree that I have a role as a mentor and supporter of students, I’m trying to think about: Who are the students who are least likely to get help? It might not even be as much my instinct to support them because they might seem less similar to me or their goals might be less aligned with me. But I can try to find a way to use whatever advantages I have to help them — bringing a kind of conscientiousness to who I help with letters of recommendation, who I try to set up with opportunities, that sort of thing.
You argue that “we need more literary mafias,” and you outline what that might look like in 20, 30 years if there were suddenly an abundance of Black people in these positions of publishing power, or other marginalized groups, and how that might affect Jews as well. Can you break that down?
If we can all acknowledge that Jews have played this incredibly outsized role and, still into the present, have played that in the publishing industry, one of the things you can take away from that is, it actually is OK if a group has pretty disproportionate power.
There’s an idea of diversity that it means your proportion in this industry should relate to your proportion in the population. And I just don’t think industries work like that, and power doesn’t work like that. What you’d want to see is not a tokenizing approach to diversity that takes a couple of people and puts them in positions of power, but a real shift, where there can be a sense that there’s never too many.
And I think it’s happening in publishing right now in a really powerful and interesting sense. Since the murder of George Floyd, there’s a movement, a real attention to white supremacy in American culture. The publishing industry has hired some African American editors in really prominent positions. And I think that’s great. And what I would really hope for, what I hope the history of Jews suggests, is after they’ve hired those prominent people in those prominent positions, they should hire 400 more.
Bangladesh: European Parliament condemns human rights violations and calls for free and fair elections.
BRUSSELS, BELGIUM, July 26, 2022 – July 19th 2022, an international conference entitled “Democracy under threat and human rights violations in Bangladesh” was organised by EPP group and MEP host Fulvio Martusciello, with the help of the EU advisor Valerio Balzamo and the international affairs advisor Manel Msalmi who moderated the debate.
The conference came in parallel with the EU delegation mission to Bangladesh which aims at asking to raise the minimum wage for RTG workers. The EU delegation discussed labour rights and members of the European Parliament together with human rights and political activists from Bangladesh with the presence of the Bengali diaspora in Europe discussed human rights violations, democracy mainly regarding the coming elections and minorities.
Minorities in the country face a threat to their security and well-being on a daily basis.”
Mep Gianna Gancia
Mep Adinolfi focused as a member of the culture and education committee on the state of freedom of speech and press in 2021 which is really alarming. She added that religious and cultural freedoms are hindered in Bangladesh, and there is a need to protect cultural diversity.
Mep Vuolo mentioned the European Parliament resolutions which recall the UN Human Rights Council’s periodic review of human rights in Bangladesh for the period 2017-2021. The document highlights how Bangladesh has received more than 500 recommendations calling for the recognition of certain ethnic minorities, the adoption of laws against child marriage, and for the clear recognition of freedom of expression.
Mep Gancia stressed the fact that Bangladesh is facing an ongoing violation of human rights and a continuous deterioration of the country’s institutions. Both local and national elections have been highly controversial, rigged and violent.
Minorities in the country face a threat to their security and well-being on a daily basis. In this scenario, the European Union must act with courage and firmly to condemn human rights violations and call for free elections.
Members of the Bengali community and Representatives of the diaspora in Europe shared their concerns regarding democracy and freedom in their country. Mr Saydur Rahman, President of the Bengali diaspora in Belgium and human rights activist stated that political opposition leaders face constant threats and called for the immediate release of former prime minister Mrs Khaleda Zia and for free elections in which civil society organizations and different political parties will take part. Former Minister of Trade and political activist Mr Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury welcomed the initiative of the EU delegation to Bangladesh to call for more workers’ rights and stressed the fact that human rights, workers’ rights as well as minorities’ rights are violated and called for free and liberal elections with the support of the European Union, a strategic partner to Bangladesh.
Mr Humayun Kabir, representative of the Bengali diaspora in the UK, a human rights activist and an international affairs advisor mentioned the Human Rights violations in Bangladesh and the power abuse of the police and the US sanctions against the RAB in Bangladesh.
Mep Fulvio Martusciello evoked that the EU is worried about the human rights and labour rights situation in Bangladesh. He also stressed the need to protect minorities mainly the Hindu minority facing persecution and constant attacks. He called for free and impartial elections in which all communities, political parties and human rights organizations will be represented.
The seminar was followed by a debate session in which members of the Bengali diaspora and organizations in Europe expressed to the panel their urgent need for freedom, democracy and mainly free and fair elections in 2023 .
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U.S. President Joe Biden’s meeting with Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has been widely described as a retreat from his intent to restore a foreign policy anchored in a commitment to democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. While the White House insists that its support for a values-based foreign policy has not been compromised, the realist turn in Biden’s approach to the Middle East has been welcomed by some as a necessary corrective, including, apparently, by senior officials in Biden’s National Security Council.
However, downgrading the importance the United States attaches to human rights in the Middle East carries far greater costs, in both the short and the longer term, than such assessments suggest. Assigning human rights in the Middle East to the values side — the expendable side — of the foreign policy ledger is a troubling bit of historical amnesia that carries significant potential consequences.
How the Middle East’s Arab regimes govern is a matter of singular importance to the U.S. and to the West more broadly. Despite public and official fatigue with a region that has come to be seen as a drain on U.S. resources, it is a matter of U.S. interest that we neglect to our peril. Rights abuses should be understood as the canary in the governance coal mine, a critical indicator of deeper dysfunctions that have a direct bearing on social stability and the likelihood of domestic turmoil.
When the U.S. signals that it is prepared to do business as usual despite the poor track record of Arab regimes on human rights, what Arab autocrats hear is that they too can pursue business as usual — not only with respect to rights but in how they manage domestic politics more broadly. They hear a familiar and welcome refrain: that the U.S. again prioritizes stability over reforms that might upset an autocratic status quo. Yet as former presidents understood, U.S. support for Arab autocrats in the interest of stability and security produced neither. Instead, it enabled corrupt, repressive rulers and their cronies who enriched themselves at the expense of their people and failed to address the systemic erosion of social and economic conditions that weakened middle classes and left tens of millions of young people without hope for the future. Ultimately, failures of governance by Arab regimes sparked the largest wave of mass protests in the region’s history — the Arab Spring of 2011.
In the decade since, the conditions that led to uprisings in 2011 have only gotten worse. Lebanon’s economy has collapsed. Tunisia’s fragile democracy is unraveling. In the cases of Libya, Syria, and Yemen, the conflicts that followed mass protests continue to fester, immiserating millions and causing the massive refugee flows that destabilized European politics and empowered right-wing nativist movements in Hungary, Poland, the United Kingdom, France, and Denmark. The U.S. has provided more than $15 billion in humanitarian support for Syria alone. A second wave of mass protests in 2019 in Iraq, Lebanon, Algeria, and Sudan ended with little to show for itself. Yet renewed protests underscored yet again the depth of popular anger with regimes and just how quickly superficial stability can collapse. In response, Arab regimes have become even more repressive since 2011, including those that participated in the regional summit arranged for Biden’s trip. Collectively, poverty, corruption, inequality, and repression have been described as a “structural threat” to the Arab region, more so than the realist concerns that motivated Biden’s overtures to Saudi Arabia.
If we ever imagined that the consequences of failed governance could be contained, the 2011 uprisings and their aftermath, including the emergence of the Islamic State group, should have put paid to that idea. What happens in the Middle East all too rarely stays in the Middle East. There is little question that European Union member states and the U.S. would be subject to spillover should another region-wide wave of mass protests and insurgencies occur. Nor would upheaval on this scale be the only circumstance in which the effects of failed autocratic rule become relevant for the U.S. and EU. Across the Middle East, even in the wealthiest Gulf states, youth unemployment remains disturbingly high. In a recent report, the World Bank referred to “crippling joblessness” as a leading driver of social distress in the region and identified regime failures as its principal cause. Not surprisingly, as the most recent data from the Arab Barometer survey project shows, significant numbers of Arab citizens report that they have considered emigrating, even as opportunities for legal entry into the EU or U.S. have sharply narrowed.
Anticipating criticism of his Saudi visit, Biden himself wrote in a Washington Post op-ed that the trip offered an opportunity to raise human rights and the murder of Post journalist Jamal Khashoggi directly with the Saudi crown prince. Had the visit not been choregraphed to minimize these concerns, such statements would be more compelling. As it becomes clear how little the U.S., or Biden himself, gained from the Saudi visit, the costs of undermining what was to be a pillar of his foreign policy will become more apparent. At a moment when failures of autocracy are on vivid display in Russia, China, Iran, and elsewhere, the Biden administration now faces an uphill battle to regain its credibility as an advocate of democracy, especially in the Middle East. At a minimum, the administration must do more than talk the talk of rights and democracy. It must also walk the walk in how it engages with Arab autocrats — including when it might be politically expedient to bump fists. To do so may well involve tradeoffs, anger Arab rulers, and incur costs to the U.S. But the failure to do so enables dysfunctional, repressive regimes and increases the odds that the U.S. will pay a far higher price in the future.
That’s a DIY video that shows the LA trio Night Talks has a real sense of humor and knows how to transform it into a nice and fun production.
The song itself is not funny per se: “On and On” tells the universal story of a struggling relationship where things seem not to evolve, but repeat themselves into a never-ending failure. Well, not really though. Because it tells how one should take responsibility and try hard to fix the relationship, whatever happens, with no consideration about the repetitiveness of the rough patches.
Nevertheless, the video tells you how you should take it: not so seriously. At least, that’s how I got it.
The song is part of an album called Same Time Tomorrow and “same time tomorrow” is part of the lyrics of “On and On”. You see the point?
It’s on and on
Love is tough,
I messed up
Is that enough?
Never did think it’d end this way
Searching for every word to say
Same time tomorrow?
Well, the trio, made of the brilliant singer Soraya Sebghati, the guitarist Jacob Butler and the bassist Josh Arteaga, likes to make it fun and so they did. Their song is pop, and their video is truly pop. Soraya said she wanted to make it scary and funny. Sorry Soraya, it’s definitely not scary. But it’s funny, and well done. And somehow, it sticks to the song, which has the potential to give you some strength and pop energy to work out your relationships around.
A bit of “Alien”, a futurist spaceship, nice flashy costumes, and a band that play their role with self-confidence and self-derision, that’s all what we need.
Judaism’s great gift to the world, according to essayist John Evans, was the idea of a single, omnipotent, omniscient and righteous God, with whom one could have a personal relationship. Such a concept—circa 2100 BCE, when Jews made their entry in history as a small nomadic tribe in the region called Ur in modern Iraq—was radical, to say the least. This set Jews apart from the other ancients whose concepts of divinity were a range of amoral gods, who were (either as household icons or as lofty super-beings dwelling on high) largely indifferent or worse, sadistic, toward the affairs of humans.
As Huston Smith writes, in The Religions of Man, “Whereas the gods of Olympus tirelessly pursued beautiful women, the God of Sinai watches over widows and orphans. While Mesopotamia’s Anu and Canaan’s El were going their aloof ways, Yahweh is speaking the name of Abraham, lifting his people out of slavery… God is a God of righteousness whose loving kindness is from everlasting to everlasting and whose tender mercies are all over his works.”
The Jews, then, were set apart in the ancient world, a factor that worked both for them—preserving a unique and imperishable identity—and against them, making them stand out as “different,” and hence a people to be watched closely and suspiciously.
And so it went, century upon century, scapegoat upon scapegoat, lie upon lie, until we come to our own time—with the living memory of the Holocaust persisting among that generation, antisemitic hate crimes on the rise on virtually every continent on Earth.
How have the Jewish people responded? The way they always have: with endurance. The Jewish people are the ultimate allegory of endurance. They have rewarded scorn with excellence in virtually every field of endeavor—from science to scholarship to entertainment. They’ve answered derision with charity, with 4,421 charities and nonprofit organizations in the U.S. alone. They’ve rebutted abuse by feeding the hungry, with 18 organizations devoted 24/7 to heeding the Biblical command, “Let all who are hungry come and eat.”
It’s difficult to quantify the gifts of Judaism to our culture in general and to each of us in particular. Just go through an average day and count your blessings. Do you get your morning coffee at Starbucks? Thank its CEO, Howard Schultz. Do you have something to tell the world on Facebook? Thank its founder, Mark Zuckerberg. On your way to work, do you play the music to West Side Story? Thank Leonard Bernstein and Stephen Sondheim. If you’re school-age, do you sing “God Bless America” at the start of the day? Thank Irving Berlin. Need to Google something online? Thank Google’s co-founders, Larry Page and Sergey Brin. Want to unwind tonight with an action-packed Marvel movie? Thank Marvel’s creator, Stan Lee. The list goes on and on.
Just as Jews were set apart in the ancient world, so too are they set apart in the modern world—but this time as pace-setters, innovators, ground-breakers. The modern gifts of Judaism then, are just that: gifts, and the example set by giving …and giving…and giving some more.
Gerry Shigouz was in Maskwacis, near Edmonton, Canada, listening to Pope Francis’ words as he travels the country on his “penitential pilgrimage”.
She told Vatican News’ Marine Henriot that she was “nervous”. Nervous to be surrounded by Catholic Church officials, and nervous to even look at some of the priests attending the Pope’s meeting with indigenous peoples at Maskwacis.
She said she feels this way because she is a residential school survivor, having attended Muscoweguan Residential School from 1962 to 1971. Along with Gerry, “my brother George attended for eleven years, my sister Darlene attended for ten years, and my little sister Connie attended for six.”
But Gerry has not always been able to speak about those years, explaining that she started sharing her story with other students only in 2015. Since then, she has “probably” shared it with about 15,000 individuals so far, from elementary school to university.
“I share my story because I like to get the truth out about our history and what happened, so that people know” because, she added “they didn’t learn that in school”.
“The world needs to know what’s going on,” stressed Gerry. She recalled the visit of an indigenous delegation to the Vatican in April, noting that there was no mention of the hundreds of children being found, to this day, on residential school grounds.
“I want people to know that they are mourning. We are grieving, and we feel sorry for those little children who never made it home.”
More than words
It took Gerry a lot of courage to attend the events in Edmonton. She cut off her relationship with the Church in 2010, the same year in which she disclosed her abuse and began to speak about what happened.
“I’m really nervous, and I feel uncomfortable right now,” she confessed as she attended the encounter with the Pope in Maskwacis. “But I am here, looking for and expecting an apology. I would like action. More than words. I’m looking for the apology to be sincere and genuine” and for “responsibility and accountability to be taken for the harms and the wrongs that were done. That’s what I’m looking for.”
Gerry recounted that her courage comes from whom she is there standing for.
“I’m here today to stand for my brother George. George never got to share his story. He never became a dad. He didn’t graduate, because he experienced so much trauma at residential school.”
And along with George, Gerry is standing for her parents: “my Mum and Dad, because their kids were taken.”
More than 236,000 people die annually from drowning – among the leading causes of death for those aged one to 24 years, and the third leading cause of injury deaths worldwide overall – the World Health Organization (WHO) said on Monday, urging everyone to “do one thing” to save lives.
The appeal on World Drowning Prevention Day outlines actions that individuals, groups and governments can take, and highlights initiatives already underway in some countries.
The majority of drowning deaths, more than 90 per cent, occur in low- and middle-income nations, with children under five at greatest risk.
These deaths are frequently linked to daily routine activities, such as bathing, collecting water for household use, travelling on boats or ferries, and fishing. The impacts of monsoons and other seasonal or extreme weather events are also a frequent cause.
“Every year, around the world, hundreds of thousands of people drown. Most of these deaths are preventable through evidence-based, low-cost solutions,” said Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, the WHO Director-General.
To commemorate World Drowning Prevention Day, cities across the world are lighting up some of their prominent landmarks in blue.
WHO has its headquarters in Geneva, and the Jet d’Eau in Lake Geneva – one of the most famous attractions in the Swiss city – will be illuminated in blue on Monday evening.
Focus on solutions
The UN’s health agency works with partners, including Bloomberg Philanthropies, the Royal National Lifeboat Institution (RNLI) in the United Kingdom, and the Global Health Advocacy Incubator, to raise awareness on drowning prevention.
The founder of Bloomberg Philanthropies, former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg, described drowning as a global public health challenge.
“In many cases, we know what works to prevent drowning. We’ve developed tools and guidance to help governments implement solutions – and if we do more together, we really can save thousands of lives,” said Mr. Bloomberg, the WHO Global Ambassador for Noncommunicable Diseases and Injuries.
WHO has recommended six evidence-based measures to prevent drowning, which include installing barriers controlling access to water, and training bystanders in safe rescue and resuscitation techniques.
School-aged children also should be taught basic swimming and water safety skills, while boys and girls should be provided supervised daycare.
Other measures call for setting and enforcing safe boating practices, shipping and ferry regulations, and improving flood risk management.
Formal swimming lessons can reduce the risk of drowning.
Share and support
As part of the call to “do one thing”, individuals are urged to share drowning prevention and water safety advice with their families, friends and colleagues. They are also encouraged to sign up for swimming or water safety lessons, or to support local charities or organizations working on drowning prevention.
Meanwhile, groups can do their part, for example by hosting public events to share water safety information or launching water safety campaigns.
WHO also advocates action at the government level, including developing or announcing new drowning prevention policies, legislation or investment, and supporting drowning prevention programmes, whether domestically or internationally.
Commitment from countries
The UN agency and its partners are supporting countries to design and implement new prevention initiatives.
Bangladesh is among countries that have committed to drowning prevention programmes, and authorities there have started a three-year scheme to reduce drowning among children.
As part of the programme, the government will take over the 2,500 daycares established and funded by Bloomberg Philanthropies over the past decade. The authorities will expand the programme by adding an additional 5,500 daycares to provide supervision to 200,000 children aged one to five years.
Other countries that have received support for drowning prevention initiatives include Vietnam, Uganda and Ghana.