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Brazil election: victorious Lula faces an uphill struggle – a damaged economy and a deeply divided country

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Brazil election - Brazillian flag
Photo by Rafaela Biazi

by Anthony Pereira – Brazil election – Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva has achieved a remarkable political comeback by regaining the presidency of Brazil. His narrow victory, in the second round run-off, was the closest margin of victory in an election since Brazil reverted to democracy in the late 1980s. The result was 50.9% for Lula and 49.1% for the incumbent president, Jair Bolsonaro – a difference of little more than 2 million votes out of almost 119 million valid votes cast.

Lula is now set for a third term, 12 years after ending his second term as an unusually popular president who achieved both economic growth and social inclusion between 2003 and 2010.

During the campaign the two contenders slugged it out over some familiar themes: Bolsonaro reminded voters of the corruption uncovered concerning several members of Lula’s administration. For his part, Lula criticised Bolsonaro for his poor handling of the COVID crisis, in which Brazil recorded the second-highest national death toll behind the United States.

But – unlike in 2018 when Lula was ruled as ineligible to run because of his 2017 conviction on corruption charges (since anulled) and Bolsonaro instead beat the inexperienced and relatively unknown Fernando Haddad, this was not an election in which corruption was a central issue.

Instead, the economy seemed to be the main concern of most voters. The core of Lula’s support is concentrated most heavily in the impoverished north-east. Bolsonaro’s support is particularly strong within better-off households of the south, south-east and centre-west.

Lula’s coalition of ten parties was a broad coalition ranging from the left to the centre-right. The campaign brought together two political forces that had been enemies in the 2000s: Lula’s Workers’ Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores, or PT) and politicians who had been or still were members of the centre-right Social Democratic Party (Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira, or PSDB) and the Brazilian Democratic Movement (Movimento Democratico Brasileiro, or MDB).

Lula’s vice presidential running mate was Geraldo Alckmin, a conservative Catholic and former member of the PSDB. MDB member Simone Tebet, a presidential candidate in the first round, campaigned for Lula in the second round and who will probably be offered a place in Lula’s cabinet.

One of the keys to the future Lula government is whether this coalition can stay together. It remained united during the campaign, when it had the shared goal of defeating the incumbent president. Whether it will retain its unity in government is another question.

Fissures could appear when the administration has to make difficult choices about the management of the economy and the challenge of rebuilding state capacity in those areas most damaged by Bolsonaro’s administration. The damage is particularly evident in the environment, public health, education, human rights and foreign policy.

Bolsonaro backlash?

Bolsonaro has yet to make a pronouncement about the election result either to concede or allege fraud. The coming days will offer a test of his character and the nature of the movement that brought him to the presidency.

That movement is sometimes characterised as a hard-right alliance of beef (agribusiness), Bible (evangelical protestants) and bullets (parts of the police and military, as well as the newly enlarged ranks of gun owners).



Bolsonaro could reprise what he said after the final debate (“whoever has the most votes takes the election”) and concede defeat. But he could also emulate his hero and mentor Donald Trump and attempt to propagate a narrative about fraud, refuse to accept the legitimacy of Lula’s electoral victory and become the leader of a disloyal opposition to the new government.

Under Brazilian law he has the right to contest the result by making a case to the supreme electoral court, as did the losing candidate in 2014, Aecio Neves of the PSDB. But he would have to submit compelling evidence. The result would probably be similar to the outcome after the 2014 election, when the court eventually ruled against Neves.

Lula reached out to the opposition in his acceptance speech on Sunday evening. He said something that Bolsonaro never said after his 2018 victory – nor at any time since: “I will govern for 215 million Brazilians, and not only those who voted for me.”

He also set out some of the goals of his future government. The most pressing are reducing hunger and poverty, accelerating economic growth, and strengthening the industrial sector. Importantly Lula also stressed the need to cooperate with international partners to slow down the rate of deforestation in the Amazon.

Challenges ahead

His government will have an uphill battle. Government coffers are emptier than they were when Lula was last president. Large increases in the minimum wage, which Lula appeared to commit to during the campaign, are likely to push up inflation, currently running at around 7%. Productivity remains stagnant and industry – which has shrunk as a share of the overall economy – is internationally uncompetitive in many sectors.

But Lula’s biggest challenge will probably be political. Bolsonaro may have lost the presidency, but many of his allies have won powerful political positions around the country. Five of Bolsonaro’s former ministers won places in the Senate, where Bolsonaro’s Liberal Party (PL) has the biggest bloc of seats. Three of Bolsonaro’s ex-cabinet members won places in the lower house of the national Congress, where the PL is also the largest party.

In the states, candidates aligned with Bolsonaro won 11 of 27 state governorships, while candidates aligned with Lula won only eight. More importantly, the three biggest and most important states in Brazil – Minas Gerais, Rio de Janeiro, and Sao Paulo – will be governed by pro-Bolsonaro governors from 2023.

Bolsonaro may be due to leave the presidency – but Bolsonarismo is not going anywhere.


Anthony Pereira – Visiting Professor in the School of Global Affairs, King’s College London, is also director of the Kimberly Green Latin American and Caribbean Center at Florida International University

Ecumenism: A unity to be consolidated and expanded

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Ecumenism: A unity to be consolidated and expanded

After the word “love” with the theme of “ecumenism of the heart”, which I mentioned in my previous article, “unity” is the second word I would like to use to reflect on the World Council of Churches’ World Assembly in Karlsruhe in early September.

Unity first with God! Union with God is indeed the source of unity among us. The whole assembly was anchored in daily Bible studies, morning and evening prayers where participants prayed both together and according to different Western and Eastern liturgical traditions. Without prayer, the WCC would only be a counterpart to the United Nations!  And without faith, the WCC would be just another NGO. The heart of faith must be the heart of ecumenism. In this sense, Anglican Archbishop Justin Welby calls to “be strong in the heart of our faith but relaxed in its limits”.

In the centre of the “oasis of peace”[1] , the tent of celebrations with the evocative name, stood an icon of the encounter between Jesus and the Samaritan woman, symbolizing Christ’s desire to meet each person, to transform them and to set them on their way.

Unity around Christ

The plenary meeting on the unity of the Church began with the Taizé song “Ubi Caritas…” (“Where there is love and charity, there God is present”). Brother Alois, the prior of Taizé, says that our union with Christ must precede dogmatic formulas. Turning to him together then leads us to confess him together. Hence the importance of the common prayer that his community wants to live with everyone, especially with young people.

Relationships are essential for deepening the fellowship of WCC member churches. Romanian Orthodox Fr Ioan Sauca, the WCC general secretary, is convinced of this. In particular, he stresses the importance of the Global Christian Forum, a platform between the WCC, the Catholic Church, the World Evangelical Alliance and Pentecostal churches to broaden the experience of Christian unity. It encourages the WCC to continue its support.

As for the South African pastor Jerry Pillay who will succeed him, he has a vision of a WCC that is “relevant, praying, celebrating and walking together”, whose priority will be to consolidate the visible unity of the churches, which is crucial for witnessing in a divided and wounded world.  And this unity can only be “kenotic”, in the humble and uncluttered style of Christ.

Bishop Brian Farrell, the secretary of the “Dicastery for Promoting Christian Unity” (so renamed last June), expresses the Catholic Church’s appreciation for the WCC’s work on ecclesiology: “Towards a Common Vision of the Church”. The document identifies convergences and differences (compatible or not); it gives parameters for the future. His hope is that the ecumenical movement will be more rooted in a kerygmatic and charismatic faith, that it will listen to young people, and that the churches will expect each other. “We need to return to the simplicity of Jesus and the Gospel. Our philosophies and theologies cannot solve our crises. In the end, it is the grace of Christ that will bring us to unity”.

This document on the Church is certainly a major achievement. But the challenges between and within churches today are more moral issues, especially in the area of sexuality. Orthodox Archbishop Job Getcha believes that the WCC’s primary goal of visible unity among Christians has been relegated to the background. “As Christians we are challenged by the fratricidal war between Christians in Ukraine. Is this the witness we want to give to the secularized world? We have to repent and be reconciled. The word ‘reconciliation’ is the key to the future”.

Jacqueline Grey, an Australian Pentecostal biblical scholar, wonders whether the sons of Zebedee (who considered themselves Jesus’ favorites) might not be Pentecostal? They are young, ambitious, self-confident and in conflict with the other disciples. But Jesus calls them to gather around him. “This is how Jesus continues to call us today. I hope for more Pentecostal participation in the ecumenical movement. Even though we are a young movement, we are learning fast. Let us overcome suspicions and stereotypes: this requires us to love each other and therefore to know each other better”! 

New challenges for Christian unity

I participated in an ‘ecumenical conversation’ on ecclesiology prepared by members of the Faith and Order Commission. It identified some broadening reflections on Christian unity.

The Covid-19 pandemic has raised various ecclesiological challenges and questions. What does it mean to be (and do) Church amid a pandemic? What are the theological presuppositions and implications of the pandemic for the liturgical, sacramental, community, diaconal and missionary life of the Church?

The digital revolution has also raised new questions. Where is the Church in the online world? What about, for example, a Lord’s Supper shared on the internet during the pandemic?

The issue of spirituality is crucial, especially for the “youth continent”, which is often disconnected from the church and longs for an understanding of how theology is applied in daily life. Indeed, the WCC has taken the participation of young people seriously. Their loud and clear voices were heard and encouraged. Their participation gave rise to much optimism for the future of the ecumenical movement, through a pre-assembly gathering of over 300 young people and the meeting of over 140 young theologians in the Global Ecumenical Theological Institute (GETI) program.

The experience of secularization in many countries also raises the question of how the Church can witness in a context where it no longer has the same authority and cultural influence.

Above all, this statement gives me much food for thought: “World Christianity is growing faster than the ecumenical movement”. If it is extremely fragmented with thousands of independent churches in the world, what should be the priorities? How can we reach out to these new churches and invite them to join a pilgrimage of reconciliation and unity?

Picture: Albin Hillert, WCC


[1] An evocation of Neve Shalom – Wahat as Salam (meaning in Hebrew and Arabic “Oasis of Peace”), a village inhabited by Jews and Arabs, founded in 1969 after the Six Day War. The discussion on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was very present during the Karlsruhe assembly and was even the most contradictory debate.

Unraveling Europe’s Political Landscape: Power Plays and Shifts

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If you repeat a lie often enough it becomes truth printed wall taken at daytime
Photo by Brian Wertheim on Unsplash

Europe’s political landscape is a complex tapestry of power plays and shifts, where the fate of nations and the future of the European Union are interwoven. As the continent grapples with various challenges, from the ongoing Brexit saga to the rise of populist movements, the dynamics of power are constantly evolving. In this article, we will explore the key players and trends shaping Europe’s political landscape, shedding light on the intricate web of alliances and rivalries that define the continent’s political future.

Rising and Falling: Shifting Tides in European Politics

The European political scene has witnessed significant shifts in recent years. Traditional powerhouses have found themselves losing their grip, while new forces are emerging on the scene. One prime example is Germany, which has long been Europe’s economic and political powerhouse. However, the country’s political landscape has been rocked by the decline of traditional parties, such as the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the Social Democratic Party (SPD). The rise of the Alternative for Germany (AfD), a right-wing populist party, has further fragmented the political spectrum, challenging the status quo.

Meanwhile, in countries such as France and Italy, traditional parties have faced a similar fate. France’s political landscape has been reshaped by the arrival of Emmanuel Macron and his En Marche! movement, which has disrupted the traditional two-party system. Italy, on the other hand, has seen the rise of the Five Star Movement, a populist and anti-establishment force that has shaken the foundations of the country’s political establishment. These shifts not only reflect a growing disillusionment with traditional politics but also highlight the increasing fragmentation of European societies.

In addition to internal changes within individual countries, Europe’s political landscape is also being shaped by external forces. The rise of Euroscepticism and the surge of populist movements have challenged the European Union’s unity and cohesion. Brexit, in particular, has been a seismic event that has sent shockwaves throughout the continent, prompting a reevaluation of the EU’s future and the balance of power within it. The departure of one of the EU’s largest member states has not only weakened the Union but has also emboldened other Eurosceptic movements across Europe, who now see an opportunity to challenge the established order.

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Unraveling Europe’s political landscape requires a keen understanding of the power dynamics at play. From the rise of populist movements reshaping traditional parties to the external challenges facing the European Union, the continent is undergoing a period of profound transformation. As we move forward, it is imperative to closely monitor these power plays and shifts, as they will ultimately shape the future of Europe and its place on the global stage. Only by gaining a deeper understanding of Europe’s political landscape can we navigate the challenges and opportunities that lie ahead.

Cities can offer new opportunities for prosumers of renewable energy

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