17.5 C
Brussels
Sunday, October 20, 2024
Home Blog Page 299

Interview: “Religion on Fire”, Russia is ruining cultural and spiritual heritage

By
Jan Leonid Bornstein
-
0
Interview: “Religion on Fire”, Russia is ruining cultural and spiritual heritage

We have just had the opportunity to interview two of the academics working on the Ukrainian project “Religion on Fire”, Anna Mariya Basauri Ziuzina and Lillia Pidgorna, a project described in the article “Russia is destroying primarily its own Churches in Ukraine“.

LB: What is the purpose of « Religion on Fire » and what do you expect from it?

AMBZ and LP: The main purpose of the project “Religion on Fire” is to document Russia’s war crimes against buildings dedicated to religion, as well as against religious leaders of various denominations. In order to bring those responsible for war crimes to justice, documenting and collecting evidence of the crimes is crucial. Keeping that in mind, our team cooperates with lawyers and we hope that data collected by us will be used in Ukrainian and international courts as evidence of war crimes. Apart from such dramatic violations of international humanitarian law like killing and kidnapping religious personnel and destroying religious facilities, we also document the cases of looting religious objects and their usage with military aim, which are also examples of violations of the law by the Russian forces. The materials we collect can be also used in future studies of the war’s impact on the religious communities of Ukraine, in preparing reports for local and international organizations, and as a proof that Russia doesn’t attack only military objects as their officials often declare.

Being a group of academics, who devoted our life to studying and teaching about the religious diversity in Ukraine, we will use – and are using now – the collected materials to educate people about the damage this war is giving to various religious communities of Ukraine. We are analyzing the collected materials and suggesting ways how Ukraine could restore its rich religious life after our victory.

LB: Why and how do you think that the findings of your project are helpful in establishing that the Russian Federation is guilty of war crimes? How do you establish the intention when you document the attacks on religious facilities and personnel?

AMBZ and LP: We strongly believe that documenting the war crimes helps to ensure that all people responsible for them will be brought to justice, and justice for the victims and survivors of the atrocities will be secured. While documenting any particular case related to the damage and destruction of religious buildings, we try to analyze the type of the bombardment using all the data we have and collect all the evidence of deliberate attacks. Though the official results of the investigation of attacks on religious facilities have not been published yet, we know about at least 5 religious objects that were special targets and thus were deliberately destroyed by the Russian army. For establishing deliberate attacks, we analyze the following factors:

  1. testimonies of eyewitnesses, both published and collected during our own field investigations in Kyiv region. Such testimonies prove that e.g. St. George church in the village of Zavorychy (Kyiv region), historical landmark of the XIX century, was destroyed on March 7, 2022 by targeted fire.
  2. the fact that a religious building was shelled with a machine gun, especially at point blank range. This fact proves that the religious facility was a target, that’s the case for St. Paraskeva church in Druzhnya village (Kyiv region), where a roadside chapel was shelled with a machine gun.
  3. the fact that a religious object was fired from inside. That’s the case for St. Dymytrii Rostovsky church in Makariv (Kyiv region), where interior icons were fired.

We’d like to outline that any attacks on religious buildings result in ruining cultural and spiritual heritage and restrict religious freedom, that is prohibited by international humanitarian law.

Wilful killing and taking of hostages of civilians are considered to be grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions. For now we know about at least 26 cases when religious personnel has been killed by bombings, shot with automatic weapons or kidnapped. One of the most well-known cases of wilful killing of the priest is the killing of Fr. Rostyslav Dudarenko on March 5, 2022 in Yasnohorodka village (Kyiv region). According to numerous evidence of eyewitnesses, he was shot dead by the Russian soldiers when they were invading the village, and unarmed Fr. Rostyslav raised a cross over his head, trying to come up to them.

As far as we are concerned, we can not establish the intention to commit a crime, this is done by the court. But we can provide lawyers with maximum information about a specific case, sticking to the facts, provided by reliable sources and eyewitnesses, which can be used for proving this intention.

LB: What would you like the European states to do about this situation specifically? What’s your call?

AMBZ and LP: We experience constant help and support from European countries and we’re immensely grateful for that. And in order to set justice, we’d like the European States, first, to keep the focus on the war crimes committed by Russian forces in Ukraine, to spread truthful and evidence-based information about their violations of international humanitarian law.

Second, to advocate for sanctions against Russian religious figures who play an important role in the war by supporting it, calling for continuation of hostilities, and often, using their influence on masses, encourage them to participate in the war promising reward in heaven. And we call on European countries to continue to support Ukraine. We understand that with time it becomes more difficult to do it, we see the sacrifice Europe is making to support Ukraine and we are thankful for that. But we will repeat again and again: Russia is committing war crimes against religions in Ukraine and we need all your support to stop it. We need all the support to fight for freedom and democracy, because religious diversity is a foundation of democratic society.

How the anticult FECRIS tries to escape the blame

By
Jan Leonid Bornstein
-
0
How the anticult FECRIS tries to escape the blame

FECRIS (European Federation of Centers for Research and Information on Sects and Cults), an umbrella organization funded by the French government, that gathers and coordinates “anti-cult” organizations throughout Europe and beyond, has been the subject of several of our articles recently, for their support to the Russian propaganda, which had started far before the current invasion of Ukraine, but recently culminated through their Russian representatives.

As FECRIS is a French registered organization, whose president André Frédéric is a Belgian member of the Parliament of Wallonia (one of the three self-governing regions of Belgium) and a Belgian Senator, when they felt they were in the spotlight, they also felt they should react to avoid becoming labelled as enemy agents by the French authorities. So instead of clearly distancing themselves from their Russian members, whose hate speeches and violent statements against Ukraine are now very well documented, they recently decided to publish a kind of counterattack on their website.

FECRIS claims to be falsely labelled “pro-Russian”

They claim that they are “systematically attacked by an organised movement that supports cultish/sectarian organisations”, and falsely labelled as “pro-Russian”, and they advance a weird argument that they expect would vindicate them: “FECRIS counts Ukrainian associations among its members.”

Whilst that does not change anything to the fact that they have been working with the Kremlin for years and have supported incredible anti-Western and anti-Ukrainian statements and acts during this time, we thought that we should dig into their claim to have “Ukrainian members”. And what we found is interesting.

On their website, they feature two Ukrainian member associations. One is “Dneprpetrovsk City Center for the help to Victims of Destructive Cults – Dialogue”, which in fact has not published one line on their website since 2011. It looks like this member association stopped its activity more than 10 years ago but still remains on the FECRIS website to increase the number of members.

FECRIS Ukrainian rep in “Defense of Orthodoxy from infidels”

The second one is “F.P.P.S. – Family and Personality Protection Society”. Whilst their website is not active since 2014 (which means since the Maidan revolution), we found that one of their members, which was speaking during the last event they organized in Odessa on February 21, 2014, less than a week before the Russian invasion began, was Vladimir Nikolaevich Rogatin, a Ukrainian scholar who is board member of the All-Ukrainian Apologetic Center in the name of St. John Chrysostom (Moscow Patriarchate), and teaches at the Kazan Federal University, in Russia. The All-Ukrainian Apologetic Center in the name of St. John Chrysostom’s activities are “Defense of Orthodoxy from infidels, non- Orthodox, pagan, occult and godless delusions”. Aims that tell the whole story.

Vladimir Rogatin - How the anticult FECRIS tries to escape the blame
Vladimir Rogatin – FECRIS Ukrainian Representative

Rogatin is an interesting character. He almost uniformly introduces himself as the Ukrainian representative of FECRIS, and in fact is very “pro-Russian”. Since 2010 he wrote about the impact of “cults” and non-Orthodox religions on the contemporary Ukraine. And since the “Euromaidan”.[1] , he wrote a series of articles to show how the changes in Ukraine were led by new religious movements (“cults”, in his mind) as well as Muslims, and how the Russian Orthodox Church would have been persecuted under the new governance bodies, pointing what he called “the legal nihilism on the part of the authorities in relation to Orthodox believers”.

FECRIS rep: Ukraine plagued by Satanism

In 2014, he started to attribute the cause of the Euromaidan to the harmful influence of new religious movements. He added that those were already behind what had happened in Ukraine in 2004 (orange revolution).[2] That was completely aligned with the Vice-president of FECRIS Alexander Dvorkin who did the same at the same period.

In July 2014, he was also one of the first, if not the first, to spread the idea that Ukraine was plagued by Satanism, which he linked to Nazism. In an interview with bankfax.ru:

“There is an increase in the influence and presence of various kinds of satanic cults in Ukraine, said Volodymyr Rogatin, corresponding member of the European Federation of Centers for Research and Information on Sectarianism (FECRIS). According to various estimates, there are more than a hundred satanic groups operating in our country, with a total of about 2,000 adherents.”

Few months later, he developed in another interview in a Russian Newspaper:

“According to Vladimir Rogatin, a correspondent member of the European Federation of Centers for Research and Information on Sectarianism, living in Nikolaev, ‘for at least three years, graffiti has been updated in front of the wooden (symbols of WotanJugend). This neo-Nazi group, which has existed in Russia and Ukraine for several years, proclaims the worship of the god Wotan (Odin). Judging by the messages on the group's Internet resources, its members took an active part in the events on the Independence Square in Kyiv’. According to Rogatin, ‘after they returned from the Maidan, they painted the whole city with their graffiti.’ Some of the WotanJugend members then joined the ranks of the Azov Battalion.”
Rogatin Moscow - How the anticult FECRIS tries to escape the blame
Vladimir Rogatin in Moscow

In January 2015, he participated with other representatives of FECRIS to a huge Russian Orthodox event in Moscow, the XXIII International Christmas Educational Readings, where he explained how the “neo-pagan cults” were operating in Ukraine.

Since, he continued to publish about cults and satanism in Ukraine, adding the participation of Ukrainian Muslims to his rhetoric about the causes of the (not beloved) Euromaidan.

FECRIS inspiring Kremlin’s apparatchiks

It’s interesting to note that this rhetoric of satanism plaguing Ukraine and being the cause of Euromaidan hasn’t fallen on deaf ears. Indeed, it’s today a real trend for high-ranking Russian government leaders to use it and justify the war by the necessity to “de-satanize” Ukraine. Number 2 of the Security Council of the Russian Federation Alexei Pavlov recently declared: “I believe that with the continuation of the ‘special military operation’ it becomes more and more urgent to carry out the de-Satanization of Ukraine, or, as the head of the Chechen Republic Ramzan Kadyrov aptly put it, its ‘complete de-Shaitanization2’”. He added that “hundreds of sects are operating in Ukraine, trained for a specific purpose and flock.” Pavlov mentioned the “Church of Satan”, which allegedly “spread across Ukraine”. “Using network manipulation and psychotechnologies, the new government turned Ukraine from a state into a totalitarian hypersect,” Pavlov said.

Even the French President Macron has been called a “pitiful and shabby little satanist” by TV presenter Vladimir Soloviev (On Rossiya 1, the main TV Chanel in Russia). And Putin himself, on September 30, portrayed the annexation as a holy war against the West, which is helping Ukraine to defend itself, justified because “They [the West] are moving toward open satanism”. So well done FECRIS, you’re a hit!

Was it a decent defense?

So finally, while we are not saying that all Ukrainians associated with FECRIS are pro-Russian, and while we agree that FECRIS has indeed Ukrainian members, we notice that one of the two Ukrainian FECRIS member associations is dead for more than 10 years, and the second one has been associated with and represented by one of the most pro-Russian Ukrainians, who has been pushing (and inspiring) the Kremlin’s propaganda (as every Russian FECRIS member) against Ukraine since 2014.

So, was that a decent defense to argue that FECRIS had Ukrainian members?

[1] Euromaidan is the name given to the pro-European protests protests were sparked by the Ukrainian government’s sudden decision not to sign the European Union–Ukraine Association Agreement, instead choosing closer ties to Russia. Ukraine’s parliament had overwhelmingly approved of finalizing the Agreement with the EU, while Russia had put pressure on Ukraine to reject it.

[2] Vladimir Nikolaevich Rogatin, 2014, “Features Of The Research Approaches In The Study Of New Religious Movements In Contemporary Ukraine”, QUID: Investigación, Ciencia y Tecnología, 1401-1406

[3] Shaitanization: Shaitan, Sheitan is an Arabic word that means devil. In a broader sense, sheitan can mean: demon, perverse spirit. This term is etymologically derived from Aramaic and Hebrew: satan

Indexation of rents, energy contracts, meal vouchers…: Here is everything that changes this November 1

By
Lahcen Hammouch
-
0

November is coming and, with it, a whole series of new measures. Here is what is changing in Belgium this Tuesday, November 1.

On 1/11/2022 at 10:00. Updated on 01/11/2022 at 3:39 p.m.

Something new for Walloon rents

I’indexation of rents will be limited in the Walloon Region from 1 November, depending on the EPB certificate housing. The system will be applied for a period of one year, possibly renewable. It is a response to inflation and the energy crisis.

Buildings with a PEB A, B and C certificate will not be affected by the indexation limitation. The owners of those benefiting from a PEB D and E certificate will have to limit themselves to an indexation of respectively 75% and 50% maximum. Finally, the rents of the buildings of PEB F and G, as well as those of the buildings not provided with the certificate, cannot be indexed.

Please close the floating video to resume playing here.

The Walloon government evokes a “balanced solution” which takes into account the constraints of owners and tenants. The measure also aims to encourage owners to insulate their homes and put an end to energy sieves in the context of exploding energy prices and the fight against global warming.

According to the regional Housing Minister Christophe Collignon, nearly 75% of Walloon households will benefit from the modulation of the indexation of rents.

https://c0b3cf9e32b7f91a2cc4cfd3563fe235.safeframe.googlesyndication.com/safeframe/1-0-38/html/container.html

READ ALSOLast deadline for the heating bonus! When and how to obtain all the aid available in the face of the crisis?

Meal vouchers extend

THE military will receive meal vouchers from November 1st. This new measure was validated by the Council of Ministers last February.

The nine months or so between the decision and the application of the measure were to allow the final stages to be finalized before the publication of the royal decree concerned in the Belgian Official Gazette and to finalize the public contract to designate the external partner for the granting of the meal vouchers.

Change at Google

From November 1, the Google Hangouts messaging application will no longer be accessible. The American company will carry out the final changeover to Google Chat. Google Chat is a communication software developed by Google. It’s designed for teams and offers collaborative messaging, similar to competitors Slack and Microsoft Teams.

End of fixed contracts at Ecopower

From 1 November, the energy cooperative Ecopower, which supplies green electricity in Flanders, is also abandoning fixed-price energy contracts.

In an email addressed to its approximately 56,000 cooperators, the energy supplier indicated that it had to increase its prices and adjust its fee schedule to current market conditions. From 1 November, cooperators will pay a rate calculated on the basis of fixed parameters on the one hand, and variables on the other.

In recent months, several other energy suppliers, including Engie and Eneco, have announced that they no longer offer fixed-price contracts.

Winter tyres: penalties postponed

It is a measure which was to come into force on November 1st but it will ultimately be nothing for the moment.

A year ago, the “mountain” law came into force in France. This obliges motorists to equip themselves with snow tires, four seasons or chains to travel in the high mountain regions of France, in winter. From November 1, 2022, motorists in violation should have been exposed to penalties, but this will not ultimately be the case before the end of 2022.

READ ALSOWhy will tire prices drastically increase this winter?

There grace period which existed in order to allow time for road users to make their arrangements is therefore extended until the adoption of the decree establishing the sanctions. Motorists who have forgotten their winter tires in the areas concerned will therefore not be fined immediately.

As a reminder, the “mountain” law obliges motorists to wear suitable tires when they use, during the winter period (from November 1 to March 31), the snow-covered or icy mountain roads of 4,173 municipalities in all or part of 34 French departments (from the Alps to the Massif Central via the Jura, the Pyrenees or the Vosges).

The objective of the new regulations is to enhance user safety by reducing the specific risks associated with driving on snowy or icy roads, specifies Road Safety. It is also a question of avoiding blockage situations in mountainous regions when unequipped vehicles find themselves unable to free themselves, immobilizing an entire traffic axis.

The measure concerns light and utility vehicles, motorhomes, heavy goods vehicles and coaches.

The equipment obligation is also valid for foreign motorists.

Belga source

Originally published at Almouwatin.com

Brazil election: victorious Lula faces an uphill struggle – a damaged economy and a deeply divided country

By
The Conversation
-
0
Brazil election - Brazillian flag
Photo by Rafaela Biazi

by Anthony Pereira – Brazil election – Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva has achieved a remarkable political comeback by regaining the presidency of Brazil. His narrow victory, in the second round run-off, was the closest margin of victory in an election since Brazil reverted to democracy in the late 1980s. The result was 50.9% for Lula and 49.1% for the incumbent president, Jair Bolsonaro – a difference of little more than 2 million votes out of almost 119 million valid votes cast.

Lula is now set for a third term, 12 years after ending his second term as an unusually popular president who achieved both economic growth and social inclusion between 2003 and 2010.

During the campaign the two contenders slugged it out over some familiar themes: Bolsonaro reminded voters of the corruption uncovered concerning several members of Lula’s administration. For his part, Lula criticised Bolsonaro for his poor handling of the COVID crisis, in which Brazil recorded the second-highest national death toll behind the United States.

But – unlike in 2018 when Lula was ruled as ineligible to run because of his 2017 conviction on corruption charges (since anulled) and Bolsonaro instead beat the inexperienced and relatively unknown Fernando Haddad, this was not an election in which corruption was a central issue.

Instead, the economy seemed to be the main concern of most voters. The core of Lula’s support is concentrated most heavily in the impoverished north-east. Bolsonaro’s support is particularly strong within better-off households of the south, south-east and centre-west.

Lula’s coalition of ten parties was a broad coalition ranging from the left to the centre-right. The campaign brought together two political forces that had been enemies in the 2000s: Lula’s Workers’ Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores, or PT) and politicians who had been or still were members of the centre-right Social Democratic Party (Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira, or PSDB) and the Brazilian Democratic Movement (Movimento Democratico Brasileiro, or MDB).

Lula’s vice presidential running mate was Geraldo Alckmin, a conservative Catholic and former member of the PSDB. MDB member Simone Tebet, a presidential candidate in the first round, campaigned for Lula in the second round and who will probably be offered a place in Lula’s cabinet.

One of the keys to the future Lula government is whether this coalition can stay together. It remained united during the campaign, when it had the shared goal of defeating the incumbent president. Whether it will retain its unity in government is another question.

Fissures could appear when the administration has to make difficult choices about the management of the economy and the challenge of rebuilding state capacity in those areas most damaged by Bolsonaro’s administration. The damage is particularly evident in the environment, public health, education, human rights and foreign policy.

Bolsonaro backlash?

Bolsonaro has yet to make a pronouncement about the election result either to concede or allege fraud. The coming days will offer a test of his character and the nature of the movement that brought him to the presidency.

That movement is sometimes characterised as a hard-right alliance of beef (agribusiness), Bible (evangelical protestants) and bullets (parts of the police and military, as well as the newly enlarged ranks of gun owners).

Bolsonaro could reprise what he said after the final debate (“whoever has the most votes takes the election”) and concede defeat. But he could also emulate his hero and mentor Donald Trump and attempt to propagate a narrative about fraud, refuse to accept the legitimacy of Lula’s electoral victory and become the leader of a disloyal opposition to the new government.

Under Brazilian law he has the right to contest the result by making a case to the supreme electoral court, as did the losing candidate in 2014, Aecio Neves of the PSDB. But he would have to submit compelling evidence. The result would probably be similar to the outcome after the 2014 election, when the court eventually ruled against Neves.

Lula reached out to the opposition in his acceptance speech on Sunday evening. He said something that Bolsonaro never said after his 2018 victory – nor at any time since: “I will govern for 215 million Brazilians, and not only those who voted for me.”

He also set out some of the goals of his future government. The most pressing are reducing hunger and poverty, accelerating economic growth, and strengthening the industrial sector. Importantly Lula also stressed the need to cooperate with international partners to slow down the rate of deforestation in the Amazon.

Challenges ahead

His government will have an uphill battle. Government coffers are emptier than they were when Lula was last president. Large increases in the minimum wage, which Lula appeared to commit to during the campaign, are likely to push up inflation, currently running at around 7%. Productivity remains stagnant and industry – which has shrunk as a share of the overall economy – is internationally uncompetitive in many sectors.

But Lula’s biggest challenge will probably be political. Bolsonaro may have lost the presidency, but many of his allies have won powerful political positions around the country. Five of Bolsonaro’s former ministers won places in the Senate, where Bolsonaro’s Liberal Party (PL) has the biggest bloc of seats. Three of Bolsonaro’s ex-cabinet members won places in the lower house of the national Congress, where the PL is also the largest party.

In the states, candidates aligned with Bolsonaro won 11 of 27 state governorships, while candidates aligned with Lula won only eight. More importantly, the three biggest and most important states in Brazil – Minas Gerais, Rio de Janeiro, and Sao Paulo – will be governed by pro-Bolsonaro governors from 2023.

Bolsonaro may be due to leave the presidency – but Bolsonarismo is not going anywhere.

Anthony Pereira – Visiting Professor in the School of Global Affairs, King’s College London, is also director of the Kimberly Green Latin American and Caribbean Center at Florida International University

Ecumenism: A unity to be consolidated and expanded

By
Guest Author
-
0
Ecumenism: A unity to be consolidated and expanded

After the word “love” with the theme of “ecumenism of the heart”, which I mentioned in my previous article, “unity” is the second word I would like to use to reflect on the World Council of Churches’ World Assembly in Karlsruhe in early September.

Unity first with God! Union with God is indeed the source of unity among us. The whole assembly was anchored in daily Bible studies, morning and evening prayers where participants prayed both together and according to different Western and Eastern liturgical traditions. Without prayer, the WCC would only be a counterpart to the United Nations!  And without faith, the WCC would be just another NGO. The heart of faith must be the heart of ecumenism. In this sense, Anglican Archbishop Justin Welby calls to “be strong in the heart of our faith but relaxed in its limits”.

In the centre of the “oasis of peace”[1] , the tent of celebrations with the evocative name, stood an icon of the encounter between Jesus and the Samaritan woman, symbolizing Christ’s desire to meet each person, to transform them and to set them on their way.

Unity around Christ

The plenary meeting on the unity of the Church began with the Taizé song “Ubi Caritas…” (“Where there is love and charity, there God is present”). Brother Alois, the prior of Taizé, says that our union with Christ must precede dogmatic formulas. Turning to him together then leads us to confess him together. Hence the importance of the common prayer that his community wants to live with everyone, especially with young people.

Relationships are essential for deepening the fellowship of WCC member churches. Romanian Orthodox Fr Ioan Sauca, the WCC general secretary, is convinced of this. In particular, he stresses the importance of the Global Christian Forum, a platform between the WCC, the Catholic Church, the World Evangelical Alliance and Pentecostal churches to broaden the experience of Christian unity. It encourages the WCC to continue its support.

As for the South African pastor Jerry Pillay who will succeed him, he has a vision of a WCC that is “relevant, praying, celebrating and walking together”, whose priority will be to consolidate the visible unity of the churches, which is crucial for witnessing in a divided and wounded world.  And this unity can only be “kenotic”, in the humble and uncluttered style of Christ.

Bishop Brian Farrell, the secretary of the “Dicastery for Promoting Christian Unity” (so renamed last June), expresses the Catholic Church’s appreciation for the WCC’s work on ecclesiology: “Towards a Common Vision of the Church”. The document identifies convergences and differences (compatible or not); it gives parameters for the future. His hope is that the ecumenical movement will be more rooted in a kerygmatic and charismatic faith, that it will listen to young people, and that the churches will expect each other. “We need to return to the simplicity of Jesus and the Gospel. Our philosophies and theologies cannot solve our crises. In the end, it is the grace of Christ that will bring us to unity”.

This document on the Church is certainly a major achievement. But the challenges between and within churches today are more moral issues, especially in the area of sexuality. Orthodox Archbishop Job Getcha believes that the WCC’s primary goal of visible unity among Christians has been relegated to the background. “As Christians we are challenged by the fratricidal war between Christians in Ukraine. Is this the witness we want to give to the secularized world? We have to repent and be reconciled. The word ‘reconciliation’ is the key to the future”.

Jacqueline Grey, an Australian Pentecostal biblical scholar, wonders whether the sons of Zebedee (who considered themselves Jesus’ favorites) might not be Pentecostal? They are young, ambitious, self-confident and in conflict with the other disciples. But Jesus calls them to gather around him. “This is how Jesus continues to call us today. I hope for more Pentecostal participation in the ecumenical movement. Even though we are a young movement, we are learning fast. Let us overcome suspicions and stereotypes: this requires us to love each other and therefore to know each other better”! 

New challenges for Christian unity

I participated in an ‘ecumenical conversation’ on ecclesiology prepared by members of the Faith and Order Commission. It identified some broadening reflections on Christian unity.

The Covid-19 pandemic has raised various ecclesiological challenges and questions. What does it mean to be (and do) Church amid a pandemic? What are the theological presuppositions and implications of the pandemic for the liturgical, sacramental, community, diaconal and missionary life of the Church?

The digital revolution has also raised new questions. Where is the Church in the online world? What about, for example, a Lord’s Supper shared on the internet during the pandemic?

The issue of spirituality is crucial, especially for the “youth continent”, which is often disconnected from the church and longs for an understanding of how theology is applied in daily life. Indeed, the WCC has taken the participation of young people seriously. Their loud and clear voices were heard and encouraged. Their participation gave rise to much optimism for the future of the ecumenical movement, through a pre-assembly gathering of over 300 young people and the meeting of over 140 young theologians in the Global Ecumenical Theological Institute (GETI) program.

The experience of secularization in many countries also raises the question of how the Church can witness in a context where it no longer has the same authority and cultural influence.

Above all, this statement gives me much food for thought: “World Christianity is growing faster than the ecumenical movement”. If it is extremely fragmented with thousands of independent churches in the world, what should be the priorities? How can we reach out to these new churches and invite them to join a pilgrimage of reconciliation and unity?

Picture: Albin Hillert, WCC

[1] An evocation of Neve Shalom – Wahat as Salam (meaning in Hebrew and Arabic “Oasis of Peace”), a village inhabited by Jews and Arabs, founded in 1969 after the Six Day War. The discussion on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was very present during the Karlsruhe assembly and was even the most contradictory debate.

Unraveling Europe’s Political Landscape: Power Plays and Shifts

By
Juan Sanchez Gil
-
0
If you repeat a lie often enough it becomes truth printed wall taken at daytime
Photo by Brian Wertheim on Unsplash

Europe’s political landscape is a complex tapestry of power plays and shifts, where the fate of nations and the future of the European Union are interwoven. As the continent grapples with various challenges, from the ongoing Brexit saga to the rise of populist movements, the dynamics of power are constantly evolving. In this article, we will explore the key players and trends shaping Europe’s political landscape, shedding light on the intricate web of alliances and rivalries that define the continent’s political future.

Rising and Falling: Shifting Tides in European Politics

The European political scene has witnessed significant shifts in recent years. Traditional powerhouses have found themselves losing their grip, while new forces are emerging on the scene. One prime example is Germany, which has long been Europe’s economic and political powerhouse. However, the country’s political landscape has been rocked by the decline of traditional parties, such as the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the Social Democratic Party (SPD). The rise of the Alternative for Germany (AfD), a right-wing populist party, has further fragmented the political spectrum, challenging the status quo.

Meanwhile, in countries such as France and Italy, traditional parties have faced a similar fate. France’s political landscape has been reshaped by the arrival of Emmanuel Macron and his En Marche! movement, which has disrupted the traditional two-party system. Italy, on the other hand, has seen the rise of the Five Star Movement, a populist and anti-establishment force that has shaken the foundations of the country’s political establishment. These shifts not only reflect a growing disillusionment with traditional politics but also highlight the increasing fragmentation of European societies.

In addition to internal changes within individual countries, Europe’s political landscape is also being shaped by external forces. The rise of Euroscepticism and the surge of populist movements have challenged the European Union’s unity and cohesion. Brexit, in particular, has been a seismic event that has sent shockwaves throughout the continent, prompting a reevaluation of the EU’s future and the balance of power within it. The departure of one of the EU’s largest member states has not only weakened the Union but has also emboldened other Eurosceptic movements across Europe, who now see an opportunity to challenge the established order.

===

Unraveling Europe’s political landscape requires a keen understanding of the power dynamics at play. From the rise of populist movements reshaping traditional parties to the external challenges facing the European Union, the continent is undergoing a period of profound transformation. As we move forward, it is imperative to closely monitor these power plays and shifts, as they will ultimately shape the future of Europe and its place on the global stage. Only by gaining a deeper understanding of Europe’s political landscape can we navigate the challenges and opportunities that lie ahead.

Cities can offer new opportunities for prosumers of renewable energy

By
Newsdesk
-
0