Religious minorities in Hungary, particularly the Church of Scientology, have faced increasing discrimination and legal challenges in recent years, according to multiple reports and statements from international human rights bodies.
In 2017, Hungarian authorities conducted sweeping raids on Scientology churches and missions across the country. As reported by specialized religious freedom magazine BitterWinter in March 2023,
“An all-out dawn raid happened on 18 and 19 October 2017 at all Hungarian Scientology Churches and Missions.”
The raids were part of a criminal investigation accusing Scientology leaders of tax fraud for claiming their core practices as religious activities exempt from VAT.
However, religious scholars have argued that Scientology’s practices of “auditing” and training are indeed religious in nature. As American scholar Donald Westbrook stated, these are part of a
“step-by-step soteriological map intended to take an individual to higher states of awareness and ability.”
And also the Internal Revenue Service in the United States fully reviewed all the practices and granted tax exemption to all US Churches in 1993, as it has been done in Sweden, Spain, Netherlands, Portugal, SouthAfrica and many others, based on the same facts that Hungary has used.
The targeting of Scientology appears to be part of a broader pattern of discrimination against non-traditional religions in Hungary. In a 2018 letter to the Hungarian government, the then UN Special Rapporteurs on FoRB, Minority Issues and the one on Privacy, expressed concern about
“discriminatory measures against the Church of Scientology on the basis of religious belief.”
The UN experts noted that Hungarian authorities had repeatedly denied Scientology the Certificate of Occupancy for its headquarters in Budapest and launched criminal investigations leading to
“the seizure of several documents including of a private nature and to restrictions on places of worship.”
Massimo Introvigne, one of the most renown worldwide European experts and sociologist of religion, and who served as the “Representative on combating racism, xenophobia and discrimination, with a special focus on discrimination against Christians and members of other religions” of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), argues that Hungary’s actions reflect an exported Russian approach of using accusations of “extremism” against minority religions. He writes that
“the concomitancy of the actions based on data protection, taxes, and electrical issues is not a coincidence. It is an expression of the publicly stated official hostility to Scientology.”
Hungary Accused of Religious Discrimination Against Church of Scientology
In 2011, Hungary passed a controversial new Religion Law that stripped legal recognition from hundreds of previously registered religious groups, including the Church of Scientology. This law has been criticized by the European Court of Human Rights and Hungary’s own Constitutional Court for violating religious freedom rights.
Since then, the government has taken several actions specifically targeting Scientology:
Denying Occupancy for Main Place of Worship
The government has repeatedly denied a Certificate of Occupancy for the Church’s headquarters in Budapest, despite inspections finding the building safe to occupy. This has left the Church facing potential sanctions for using its main place of worship.
According to a letter sent by the aforementioned UN Special Rapporteurs to the Hungarian government on August 30, 2018:
“The Church appealed the decision to the Administrative and Labour Court of Budapest. On 12 September 2017, the Court remanded the case to the second instance to be considered again within 21 days, taking into account all the evidence that was previously neglected, which reportedly proves that the building is safe and ready to be used. The procedure started in December 2017, however, it has not been completed to the present date.”
To this date this issue is not resolved and they continue to deny the occupancy certificate creating a situation of constant uncertainty about how long will they be able to operate in their place of worship.
Seizing Confidential Religious Files: “serious impediments to religious freedom” UN says
Hungarian authorities have used data protection laws to seize confidential religious files, including “preclear folders” containing private communications between Scientologists and their ministers.
In the UN Special Rapporteurs’ letter to Hungary, from August 2018 it can be read:
“On 7 December 2016, the Data Protection Authority launched a data protection investigation of the Church of Scientology and, to this end, seized various documents from its offices in Budapest and Nyiregyhaza, including ‘preclear folders’ that contain confidential communications between penitents and their minister.”
According to human rights attorney Patricia Duval, writing in The Journal of CESNUR,
“Hungary is currently the only country in the world that has seized and refuses to return such folders consisting of sacred and confidential pastor-penitent communications.”
The government has launched criminal investigations into alleged data protection violations and tax evasion by the Church, leading to multiple police raids on Scientology properties.
The UN inquisitive letter to Hungary describes one such raid:
“On 18 October 2017 at 7.30 a.m., around 60 agents of the National Bureau of Investigation raided the Church of Scientology headquarters in Budapest, seized documents and sealed the building. On the next day at 7.00 a.m., the criminal section of the tax office executed search warrants and seized documents from the Church’s offices in Budapest and 15 other locations with the purpose of investigating possible financial crimes. In addition, the authorities froze the Church’s bank accounts and placed a lien on the Budapest headquarters.”
A Hungarian court later ruled that this raid was disproportionate and illegal, according to Duval’s article published by the Journal of CESNUR on march-april 2018.
Government Statements and Criticism
Hungarian officials have made public statements declaring their intention to restrict Scientology activities. Religious scholar Massimo Introvigne, in a paper presented at a University of Eastern Finland conference, quoted Deputy Prime Minister Zsolt Semjén as stating in 2011:
“As long as I am in the government, Scientology won’t be recognized as a religion.”
These actions have drawn strong criticism from international bodies. The UN Special Rapporteurs expressed
“serious concern that the criminal investigations carried out against the Church of Scientology, which led to the seizure of several documents including of a private nature and to restrictions on places of worship, may be incompatible with international human rights standards.”
They further stated that
“Such acts constitute serious impediments to religious freedom and to the fulfilment of the rights and freedoms of religious minorities as enshrined in the applicable international human rights standards that Hungary has committed to.”
The Church of Scientology maintains it is being unfairly targeted for religious discrimination. The situation highlights ongoing concerns about Hungary’s treatment of minority faiths under its 2011 Religion Law, which has been criticized by international bodies but remains in force.
Critics argue that these actions violate principles of religious freedom and state neutrality towards religion. The case of Scientology in Hungary raises broader questions about the protection of minority religious rights in the country and the use of administrative and legal measures to restrict unpopular religious groups.
The UN Special Rapporteurs urged Hungary to ensure its actions are “compatible with international human rights standards, particularly regarding the right to freedom of religion or belief and the right to privacy.” They called on the government to provide “detailed and updated information on the concrete measures undertaken by the Government of Hungary to ensure protection and promotion of religious freedom and of the human rights of religious minorities in the country.“
As the legal battles continue, human rights advocates argue that Hungary is using tax and privacy laws plus other measures to discriminate against Scientology specifically and also against other minority faiths in violation of international religious freedom principles. The ongoing situation highlights ongoing tensions between nationalist ideologies and protections for religious minorities in parts of Europe.
Special Rapporteur Ashwini K.P., said at the end of a 12-day fact finding mission, that members of marginalised racial and ethnic groups in Brazil – including those of African descent and from indigenous groups – are experiencing “pervasive manifestations of systemic racism, as legacies of colonialism and enslavement.”
This form of racism, she said, has persisted since the nation was formed despite consistent and brave activism from those being discriminated against.
Ms. K.P. commended the Brazilian Government for recognising that racial discrimination was a systemic issue and for enacting several strong laws and regulations to combat it.
However, “the lives of people of African descent, indigenous peoples, Quilombola and Roma persons, is far too often marked, in many cases irreparably, by endemic racialised violence and exclusion,” the expert said.
She noted rights violations toward the indigenous and Quilombola groups including police brutality, mass incarcerations, cultural and political exclusions and more.
“The severity of the situation demands utmost urgency. Bold and transformative action to dismantle systemic racism cannot wait,” Ms. K.P. said.
Justice and equality
The Special Rapporteur called on the Government to acknowledge, confront, and address the root causes, historical factors, and regional disparities that perpetuate racism and power imbalances.
She emphasised the need for a reparatory justice approach, noting that there are “significant gaps” in implementing laws and policies to effectively reduce racial injustice.
“Those from marginalised racial and ethnic backgrounds have already waited far too long for justice and equality,” Ms. K.P. said. “Lives depend on bolder and more immediate action.”
She is also calling on the Government to allocate more resources to anti-racial discrimination activities and increase the pace of change.
Special Rapporteurs are appointed by the Human Rights Council to serve in their individual capacity, independent of the UN system and national governments. They are not UN employees and do not receive a salary.
Many women treated for breast cancer using taxanes, a type of cytostatic drug, often experience side effects in the nervous system. Researchers at LiU have developed a tool that can predict the risk level for each individual. The tool could help doctors adapt treatment to avoid persistent side effects in those at the greatest risk.
Some people experience severe side effects from cancer treatment, while others manage it without major complications. Henrik Gréen’s research group wants to find ways to predict the risk of serious side effects. Image credit: Magnus Johansson/Linköping University
More and more people are becoming cancer survivors. But even if they have survived the disease, an increasing number still suffer from the side effects of cancer treatment. In a recent study from Linköping University, researchers studied the side effects of taxanes, a chemotherapy drug used to prevent breast cancer recurrence. The drawback of the treatment is that some patients suffer nerve damage as a side effect.
“Side effects in the form of nerve damage are very common after treatment with taxanes for breast cancer, and they often persist for several years. For those affected it is extremely stressful, and it has a major impact on quality of life. So it is a major clinical problem, which has received more attention in recent years, but there has been no way to know which individuals are at greatest risk of side effects”, says Kristina Engvall, who recently completed her PhD at Linköping University and is a doctor at the oncology clinic at Ryhov County Hospital in Jönköping.
The researchers began by carefully surveying side effects in patients treated for breast cancer with either docetaxel or paclitaxel, the two most common taxane drugs. Between two and six years had passed since treatment. 337 patients were asked to describe the severity of the nerve damage they experienced, or peripheral neuropathy as it is also called. Most common was cramps in the feet, which more than one in four patients had. Other side effects included difficulty opening a jar, numbness in feet, tingling in feet and difficulty climbing stairs.
The researchers sequenced the patients’ genes and then built models that link genetic characteristics to various side effects of the taxane treatment. This allows the models to predict the risk of nerve damage. This type of model, known as a prediction model, has not previously existed for taxane-induced peripheral neuropathy. The researchers succeeded in modeling the risk of persistent numbness and tingling in feet.
A growing patient group
The two models were able to separate the patients into two clinically relevant groups: one with a high risk of persistent side effects, and one that corresponded to the frequency of peripheral neuropathy in the normal population. The researchers used two-thirds of the data to train the models through machine learning. They were then able to use the remaining third of the patients to validate the models, which was found to work very well. Validating that the models also work in a different group is an important step.
“This is the first time a prediction model has been developed that can predict the risk of nerve damage from taxane treatment. Women who have been treated with taxanes after breast cancer surgery make up a very large group in healthcare worldwide, so this is a major and clinically relevant problem”, says Henrik Gréen, professor at Linköping University, who led the study published in the journal npj precision oncology.
Weigh benefit against risk
“This can be a tool to individualise treatment, and not only to look at the benefits, but also to look at the risks for the individual patient. Today we are so good at treating breast cancer that we need to focus more on the risk of complications and side effects that affect the patient long after treatment”, says Kristina Engvall.
In the long term, the prediction model could be adopted as routine in healthcare. But first, research is needed in order to find out whether the prediction model also works well in other population groups than the Swedish population.
“It also emerged that three of the five symptoms we focused on are so biologically complex that we could not model them. These include, for example, difficulty opening cans. Opening a can involves both motor and sensory nerves, which makes it very difficult to predict which individuals are at greatest risk of developing that symptom”, says Henrik Gréen.
The study was funded with support from, among others, the Swedish Cancer Society, ALF funding, the Medical Research Council of Southeast Sweden (FORSS), and Futurum in Region Jönköping.
Ylva Johansson. European Union, 2019
Please check our Copyright Section - Additional restrictions might apply
Source: EC - Audiovisual Service
In a landmark announcement, Commissioner for Home Affairs, Ylva Johansson, addressed the staff of eu-LISA, the European Union Agency for the Operational Management of Large-Scale IT Systems, regarding the impending deployment of the state-of-the-art Entry/Exit System. This cutting-edge digital border management system, scheduled to go live on November 10th, marks a significant advancement in European border security and travel facilitation.
“Thank you eu-LISA,” Commissioner Johansson began her speech, acknowledging the Herculean efforts invested by the agency over the past decade. The Entry/Exit System aims to streamline travel processes while enhancing the security framework that protects Europe. By enabling digital border controls at all entry points, this system promises to transform how Europe manages its borders.
The Commissioner highlighted the journey toward this innovative system, beginning with legislative groundwork laid ten years ago, leading to the technical development initiated six years previously. “Turning legal texts into a digital reality, connecting an entire continent – that is a massive undertaking,” she noted.
The Entry/Exit System will interlink with existing national and European systems, establishing full interoperability. When operational, it will replace the outdated practice of passport stamping with digital checks, significantly enhancing the efficiency of border crossings for non-EU travelers. According to Johansson, more than 700 million travelers to Europe annually will be affected by these changes, making the transition crucial for maintaining robust yet seamless cross-border movement.
Commissioner Johansson addressed potential challenges and setbacks encountered during the developmental phase. She praised eu-LISA staff for their resilience and dedication, even as the project faced delays. “There were setbacks. There were delays. But you didn’t give up,” she commended, acknowledging the sacrifices made, including missed holidays, to meet the project’s deadlines.
The new system will also bolster security measures by deploying biometric identification processes, using photos and fingerprints to prevent the use of fraudulent travel documents. This measure is expected to enhance safety for 450 million Europeans by deterring potential threats, including illegal migration and the misuse of fake passports.
Further steps toward integrating large-scale IT systems within the EU are on the horizon, as eu-LISA will also work on the European Travel Information and Authorisation System (ETIAS) set to launch in 2025, and updates to Eurodac, critical to the EU’s migration policy.
Ending her address, Johansson emphasized the significance of the upcoming November 10th launch date. “You designed this border management system. You built it and you will run it,” she asserted, instilling confidence in the agency’s leadership and capabilities. The day promises to be a milestone in Europe’s ongoing mission to enhance security while promoting ease of travel, cementing eu-LISA’s role as a cornerstone of Europe’s digital frontier.
In conclusion, Commissioner Johansson’s speech underscored the collaborative spirit and unwavering commitment behind the Entry/Exit System’s development, promising a new era of secure and efficient border management for Europe.
By Emmanuel Ande Ivorgba, PhD. Executive Director, Centre for Faith and Community Development (CFCD)
INTRODUCTION
The traditional concept of leadership is based on the notion that leaders are selected to command control and make final decisions for the collective group. However, through this viewpoint, leadership is viewed not only as an exercise of authority but also on the legal grounds. As societies become more complex, technical demands of the state grow, and decision authority becomes specialized. We are more naturally concerned with what leaders do with the job, and what they are and their behavior. In a country of high-rank public-private sector bureaucracy, leaders at different management hierarchical levels play a major role in shaping the direction of political life. They contribute to our understanding about the role of political leadership in policy formulation.
Nigeria, with its vast amount of natural resources, is currently undergoing rapid economic decline. There is a high incidence of poverty, escalating inflation, balance of payment problems, as well as heavy debt-servicing problems. The root cause of this economic problem stems from the pursuit of an inappropriate economic policy. The dominance of poor leadership in policy formulation in Nigeria can clearly be identified as the main source of the problems. Political leadership is pivotal and significant in shaping the economic landscape of any nation (Klarin, 2020). The quality of any nation’s political leadership can significantly determine or influence such nation’s overall economic development trajectory. Nigeria is blessed with a vibrant human population, abundance of natural resources. These resources, coupled with the great entrepreneurial spirit and resilience of the citizens, have positioned Nigeria as a potential continental economic powerhouse. Unfortunately, and disappointedly so, weak institutional frameworks, coupled with corruption, policy inconsistencies and other numerous governance challenges, have constituted stumbling blocks to the country’s inability to effectively and efficiently harness its economic potential (Ogunleye & Adeleye, 2018).
Economic development is a measure of the increase of per capita income, which is itself, a function of the growth rate of national income (Mankiw & Taylor, 2014). National income growth depends largely on, political leadership stability as well as the appropriate economic policies implemented by the political leadership. Also, insights into the influence of political leadership on the socio-economic development enable one to understand the roots of the poverty trap in which many developing nations are stuck. Understanding why countries have the type of leaders they do have and what determines a politician to govern well or govern poorly help us appreciate the positions of governance. This paper seeks to explore the intricate and dynamic relationship between political leadership and economic development in Nigeria. The paper will briefly examine the historical context, challenges and opportunities in Nigeria’s economic landscape, key policy decisions, and governance structures to unravel the impact of political leadership on key economic indicators such as job creation, infrastructure development, poverty alleviation, GDP growth, and foreign direct investment. The paper will provide insights into how effective leadership can catalyze positive economic transformation and propel inclusive growth and development in Nigeria. BACKGROUND With a human population of over 230 million, and rich in natural resources, Nigeria, popularly referred to as the “Giant of Africa” (UK Essays, 2018), and continental powerhouse (Akindele, et al. 2012), holds vast potential for economic growth and development. Despite this abundance of human and natural resources, the country has faced numerous complex challenges and struggles on its path to economic prosperity. Nigeria has experienced significant political, social, and economic changes since its independence from British colonial rule in 1960. Political leadership continues to play a central role in Nigeria’s fate. In general, the effects of political stability on economic development underscore the fact that political opportunities drive the economic policies in countries, especially those that are external as opposed to internal factors. The effectiveness of political leadership in providing the best opportunities for economic policies is also important because the nature of the stability is driven by how the political market works in various countries. Overall, many different types of political markets lead to different types of policy commitments. The impact of political leadership attributes is manifested through varying degrees of political stability, democratization, income inequality, and governance quality. The historical context of Nigeria’s economic development efforts has been shaped by a complex interplay of factors. These include the legacies of the colonial era, post-independence governance structures, the discovery of oil and Nigeria’s dependence on oil, political instability and social inequalities, among others. The country has experienced long periods of military rule, and military coups, disrupting democratic processes, with profound repercussions on economic management and policy consistency. While the discovery of oil in commercial quantities in the 1950s provided a unique opportunity for the transformation of Nigeria’s economy and acceleration of the development process, the country’s over-reliance and dependence on oil revenues, and neglect of particularly, manufacturing and agriculture, exposed the country’s economy to external shocks and volatility. This has been further compounded by the mismanagement of oil revenues and the absence of, or lack of diversification. Different administrations and political leaders in Nigeria, have implemented several economic policies that have generated both positive and negative impacts on the nation’s economy. Additionally, the socio-political dynamics coupled with regional disparities, ethno-religious tensions, poverty, youth unemployment, among others, underscore the multidimensional complexities that Nigeria’s political leaders must address in order to foster inclusive and sustainable national economic growth. POLITICAL LEADERSHIP IN NIGERIA From the beginning, the political leadership has been infused with a degree of military dominance and military interests. Their unwillingness to relinquish control of governance and the economy exposed Nigeria’s leadership to ineffective policies that advocate autocracy, preserve tradition, uphold the old methods instead of developing creative and entrepreneurial elements to thrive when addressing economic development and socio[1]economic change. Political leadership in Nigeria is primarily dedicated to self-interests and strategies. This inadequacy largely refuses them from seeing the need for Nigeria to devise and implement the strategic economic development policies rather than the traditional growth-based doctrines provided and promoted by international economic analysts and international economic ideologues. The autocratic policy models are directed at reinforcing figureheads and also provide ‘cocktail’ solutions primarily to maintain political rivalry. As a result, policy leadership evolves less in the way of the country’s economic and social development. An important characteristic of Nigeria’s political leadership is the role of ethnic and religious affiliations in shaping political alliances and power structures. Ethno-religious dynamics and blocs have played a significant role in determining political outcomes and leadership appointments (Akande, 2016). This has often resulted in a fragmented political landscape, with leaders often prioritizing the interests of their own ethnic or religious groups over those of the nation as a whole. Also, the legacy of military rule has had a lasting impact on Nigeria’s political leadership. Many former military leaders have transitioned into civilian politics, bringing with them a hierarchical and authoritarian style of leadership that has at times undermined democratic principles (Ojo, 2017). This has contributed to a culture of strongman politics, where leaders often centralize power and suppress dissent to maintain control. There have been efforts, in recent years, to reform the country’s political leadership and improve governance standards, through initiatives such as anti-corruption campaigns and electoral reforms, to address some of the challenges facing the country’s leadership (Adesina, 2020). However, progress in this direction has been very slow, and entrenched power structures continue to pose obstacles to meaningful change. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW In analyzing how political leaders influence economic performance in Nigeria, one should be cognizant of the fact that it is the interaction of the political elite with the economic cycle that provides insight into how political institutions mediate the influence of the political elite on the economy. Nigerian society has experienced considerable political upheaval. Income inequality has increased since the 1960s, and democratic political structures have not been effectively adapted to reflect the changes in social structures influenced by modernization. The erratic progress of democracy in Nigeria and its inability to cope with the pressures of rapid modernization have led to an erosion of belief in the efficacy of the social system. Decades of authoritarian or military rule in Nigeria have had a negative impact on the quality of governance and the standard of living of most Nigerians. Nigeria’s economic development has been greatly influenced by a variety of historical, social, and political factors, including pre-colonial trade, colonial exploitation, post-independence policies, and the oil boom. In the pre-colonial period, several thriving economies with very extensive trade networks existed. For example, the Yoruba city- states existed in the southwest, the Benin Kingdom in the southeast and the Hausa kingdoms in the north, engaged in agriculture and craft production, and traded, not only among themselves, but with coastal and trans-Saharan traders (Falola & Heaton, 2008). Then came the Colonial Era, which lasted from 1861-1960, and significantly altered Nigeria’s economic landscape. During this period, the British concentrated on extraction and exportation of raw materials to feed the European Industrial Revolution. The economy was designed to produce cash crops like groundnuts, palm oil, cocoa and others to serve British interests (Ake, 1981). The Post-Independence Industrialization period, from 1960-1970 sought to transform the colonial economic structure and accelerate Nigeria’s industrial development (Ekundare, 1973). Economic development plans were then designed by the government to promote and support the diversification of the country’s economy from agriculture towards industrialization and infrastructural development. This was followed, in the 1970s, by the period of Nigeria’s Oil Boom, where the problem of the country was not money but how to spend it. Oil contributed about 90% of foreign exchange earnings and over 80% of government revenues. The result was increased urbanization and investments in the development of infrastructure, but agriculture and other sectors were practically neglected (Osoba, 1996). With support from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Nigeria adopted the Structural Adjustment Program in 1986. This was in response to the challenges of rising debt and falling oil prices. An important goal of the SAP was to liberalize Nigeria’s economy, support private enterprise and minimize state involvement. However, the immediate social impact of the SAP was increased poverty and inequality (Iyoha & Oriakhi, 2002). In 2004, the Nigeria launched the National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy (NEEDS), focusing on poverty reduction, economic diversification and infrastructure development. The NEEDS focused on the promotion of good governance practices, private sector participation, and social development programs (Soludo, 2017). the Economic Recovery and Growth Plan (ERGP) was launched in 2007 by the government to support and boost agriculture, manufacturing and services (Kalejaiye & Aliyu, 2013). Another policy, the Vision 2020 Agendafollowed in 2009. The goal of the Vision 2020 was to position Nigeria as one of the top 20 economies in the world by 2020. It focused on key sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and services, and called for investment in human capital development and infrastructure (Ibrahim, 2020). Since 1990 to date, the country has witnessed a mixture of economic growth and setbacks. While there has been some form of stability in terms of democratic governance and political stability, corruption-induced challenges, the lack of economic diversification away from oil and lack of basic infrastructure still remain.
The influence of political leadership on the economy has been evident in various policies, decisions, and actions taken by those in power. One key example of this can be seen in their management of the country’s vast natural resources, particularly oil. Nigeria is a major oil producer, and the country’s political leaders have often used revenue from the oil sector to fund government programs and projects. Unfortunately, mismanagement, corruption, and lack of diversification have led to a situation where the economy remains heavily reliant on oil, making it vulnerable to fluctuations in global oil prices (Oyekola, 2015). In order to attract investments and spur economic development, sound economic policies, infrastructural development and regulatory frameworks are very essential. However, political instability, policy inconsistency, and corruption have often deterred investors, leading to suboptimal economic performance (Onyishi, 2018). Also, decisions in respect to government spending, currency stability, taxations and interest rates, are important factors that influence economic performance. Purposeful and effective political leadership in these areas can lead to sustainable economic growth, while poor decisions, as Nigeria’s experience has shown, exacerbate economic challenges(Akinbobola, 2019).
Nigeria has just as much potential as almost any other developed country and can show the same improvement if their government becomes truly transparent and accountable, focusing on creating a conducive enabling environment for organizing Nigerian civil society to generate growth. The importance of political instability and poor governance to the decline of Nigeria’s business climate is not limited to discouraging large foreign investors, but it also affects small and medium-sized businesses. Banks are also affected in several ways by the political instability and poor governance of the country. Political instability contributes to a high-risk credit market and reduced access to credit for the private sector. The financial sector is one area in which scientific and internal market work can be done to establish how poor governance affects Nigeria’s economy.
POLITICAL ECONOMY THEORIES
The literature on political economy (Mills, 2005) as well as political business cycle theory (Nordhaus & William, D, 1975) is rich with reasons why politicians in particular would want to shape economies. They have incentives to gain from various forms of rent seeking. Classical and neoliberal economists have come up with mechanisms through which leaders can manipulate areas of the economy to stay in power. Politicians also agree to a social contract with citizens to provide public goods in return for a mandate to govern. There are incentives for politicians to supply public goods to maintain power. Politicians may choose to use economic policy to expand a country’s productive capacity or improve national welfare as part of their stewardship. This may involve providing an enabling environment where the private sector flourishes and produces many desirable goods and services. Politicians can also manipulate the economy by trading off some economic policy in exchange for political survival. Political leaders remain the most important economic agents whose intentions to grow the economy can impact on aggregate productivity and improve economic outcomes.
Political economy theories offer insights into the complex interplay of institutions, interests and power, as well as different perspectives on the relationship between economics and politics. Some key political economy theories include:
a. The Classical Political Economy Theory, which began around the 18th and 19th centuries, was very prominent and promoted by great thinkers and renowned economists like Adam Smith and David Ricardo, among others. The classical political economy theory emphasizes minimal government intervention, free markets and self-interests in driving economic outcomes. Proponents of the classical political economy theory believe that overall economic prosperity through the invisible hand mechanism (Smith, 1776), would result from self-interest.
b. The Marxist Political Economy Theory: Developed by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, the Marxist political economy theory deals with the relationship between social classes, labour and capital. The foundation of this theory is that capitalism is inherently exploitative, hence proponents of Marxist political economy theory advocate for the overthrow of the capitalist system (Marx, 1867), and the establishment of a classless society rooted in the common ownership of th means of production.
c. The Institutional Political Economy Theory: The Institutional Political Economy Theory is described as a fusion of economic analysis with political science and sociological insights, in order to properly examine how economic behaviour and outcomes are shaped by institutions. The theory highlights the significance and influence of formal and informal rules and norms, including power structures in economic decision-making (North, 1990). Institutions have the capacity to either promote or hinder economic development and social welfare.
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA
Economic growth is a significant contributor and necessary component of economic development. Economic development is the creation of enabling conditions that promote and stimulate rapid and substantial increase in the basic material well-being of the majority. This is achievable by the implementation of political leadership policies to promote economic growth through land reforms, capital intensive industrialization, educational stimulus and effective public health system. Economic development must be measured through such areas as the reduction in the opportunities for malnutrition, the considerable reduction in high infant mortality rates, the availability of potable water, the availability of access to quality educational material, the growth of public health, greater opportunities for employment, the gradual socio-economic level generated by the majority of the people whereby an average level of society is established, the reduction in the level of high inflation and unemployment, indices of per-capita income, and through the efficient allocation of resources in regulating the type of social relationships. The term “economic development” can be viewed from the perspective of a false dichotomy in the development process. The dichotomy resulted due to the identifying of economic development with the advancement of the “center” (the more developed and industrialized countries, usually capitalist, on the one hand) and the possibilities of the “periphery” (viz the less developed, under-developed, undeveloped or developing countries, often countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, on the other. What the political economist referred to frequently as “economic growth” – a sustained increase in the output of goods and services of a country, usually measured at one sector of the economy most times through the increase of the Gross National product (as one of the forms of indicators of economic development) is often confused with economic development itself. Historically, Nigeria’s economic development has evolved significantly, shaped by its rich endowment of natural resources, governmental policies, and its interactions within the global economy. Nigeria’s oil and gas sector accounts for about 90% of export earnings and more than 50% of government revenue (Central Bank of Nigeria, 2022). This over-dependence on oil and gas has made the country’s economy highly susceptible to global oil price fluctuations. Efforts have been intensified in recent times, to diversify the economy through the development of the agricultural sector, which accounts for about 70% of the labour force and about 24% of the country’s GDP (National Bureau of Statistics, 2022). The Manufacturing sector, though still nascent, holds great promise, in terms of its contributions to the nation’s GDP. This is the clear focus of the Nigeria Industrial Revolution Plan (NIRP), designed to support the manufacturing sector to become globally competitive by increasing the sector’s manufacturing base (Federal Ministry of Industry, Trade and Investment, 2022). The services sector has recorded the fastest growth in Nigeria, with telecommunications driving the expansion of mobile telephony and internet penetration. The financial services industry has been revolutionized, enhancing financial inclusion (PwC, 2023). Despite such progress, especially in the services sector, Nigeria’s economic development is still hampered by challenges of corruption, insecurity, political instability, and unacceptable unemployment rate, especially among the country’s youth population. Poverty is also widespread, as a significant portion of the country’s human population continues to live below the poverty line. Nigeria’s political leaders are today, also strained by contemporary socio-economic and geopolitical problems.
INTERPLAY BETWEEN POLITICAL LEADERSHIP AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
The interplay between political leadership and economic development in Nigeria is profound and deeply influential, presenting a mix of opportunities and challenges over the years. Depending on the nature of leadership, sometimes military and sometimes civilian, centralized versus decentralized, this interplay between political leadership and economic development in Nigeria has been marked by significant shifts. Persistent issues such as corruption and political instability remain significant barriers. The path to sustainable economic development in Nigeria depends largely on the emergence of transparent, accountable, and effective political leadership. Economic policies and outcomes are directly impacted by political leadership. For example, Nigeria witnessed significant regional disparities due to political and ethnic tensions, during Nigeria First Republic (1960-1966), which greatly influenced developmental policies and economic development decisions (Falola & Heaton, 2008). From the late 1960s to late 1990s, the Nigeria witnessed long periods of military regimes, with centralized control over decision-making and economic resources. Nigeria returned to civil rule in 1999, signaling a significant turning point for the nation’s political and economic landscape. The Federal Government then, led by President Olusegun Obasanjo, from 1999- 2007, initiated significant economic policies, including banking sector reforms, privatization and the war against corruption to promote Nigeria’s growth and economic stability (Utomi, 2013). Despite these encouraging efforts, corruption, insurgency, political instability, and inadequate infrastructure have continued to impede substantial economic progress. Resources that could be applied for economic development have been drained by political corruption, due to large-scale mismanagement and embezzlement of funds by political leaders (Ekanade, 2014), significantly hampering Nigeria’s economic development. The establishment of institutions such as the ICPC and the EFCC demonstrates leadership commitment to combating corruption. However, the effectiveness of these institutions has depended largely, on the leadership’s commitment and political climate (Agbiboa, 2012). Political leadership seeks to recast the economy, the rules of the institution of property and production, and the distributional benefits from economic growth and stability; it seeks to redistribute property and production, enunciates and enforces written and principled rules of commercial behavior so that technology, skills, knowledge, and other means of production are deployed efficiently at the levels of the corporate sector, while acceptable distributional privileges are punctuated; and it seeks to protect and defend property rights, and to regulate the conduct and behavior of economic agents within the terms of written and enforced rules. The governance structure can either facilitate or obstruct the realization of the aim and objectives of political leadership.
CONCLUSION
Political leadership is fundamental in the process of governance, towards the achievement of desirable objectives, including economic development, social integration, public well-being, and such other related goals. However, political leaders could impact the economy in diverse ways, such as their political orientation and ideology. Furthermore, political leadership is expected to engineer the economy towards greater performance through various operative mechanisms like policy formulation, decision-making, implementation, and the evaluation of policies. It is these functions that allow political leaders to use public resources to create value for the improvement of the living standards of a country, while at the same time working to broaden social welfare, for instance, by increasing employment. Although political leadership’s corresponding influence on economic development can have significant consequences, either through its impact on policy change driven by its transfer of power from one set of political actors to another, or by altering expectations and beliefs, political regimes can shape patterns of economic development and distributions. Such leaders can act as a model, man of action, great communicator, or transformational leader, while others have been seen as people of vision pursuit focusing on creativity and risk persuasiveness inspiring trust to make things happen, society builder, nation-builder(s), nation transformer, and many more. Good political leadership creates an environment that promotes economic development. Intriguingly, corruption at all levels of governance, poor accountability and transparency have been identified as the bane of the underdevelopment of many African nations including Nigeria. To find solutions to these problems, this work has investigated the influence of political leadership on economic development in Nigeria. The paper is anchored on the legitimacy theory which emphasizes the importance of public confidence and trust in government-to-government effectiveness. The study adopted the quasi-experimental research design with the secondary source of data as the only source of data collection. Data analyzed were obtained from secondary sources using content analysis. The research found out that political leadership influences economic development in Nigeria ranging from ineffective utilization of resources, embezzlement of public funds, bad governance, poor service, and inadequate level of socialization, and encouragement of corrupt practices among public officials. This paper suggests that more attention should be paid to the challenges at the institutional structure and the political system in Nigeria. These challenges call for significant measures aimed at promoting good political leadership in Nigeria. For Nigeria to attain her worthy goals as a competitive and prospering nation, Nigerians must commit to re-establishing value for the common good, a good society, community, dialogue, tolerance, fraternity, and self-identity, fostering a mutual sense of belonging in full participation and well-being. Furthermore, initiating agile services reflecting due transparency and encouraging responsibility among all its leaders at all levels, in good faith and uprightness, and manifesting self-pride. To this end, the paper advocates for the urgent need for enhancing moral leadership and promoting genuine politics in terms of the inviolability of life, perennial morals, and the preservation of the human environment, and democracy for social and civil rights.
IMPLICATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
When political leaders are unjust, oppressive and manipulative, it becomes difficult to share the goals of the elite, and consequently stifle efforts toward growth and development. However, and usefully, vision, political will, attributes of democratic inclusiveness and transformational qualities make great leaders capable of leading development and country mobilization into prosperity, democracy and development. A sense of national interest as the cardinal point of leadership informs the communal spirit of visionary political leadership in building and remolding the structure of a nation state. In conclusion, all historical trajectories to high growth in emerging economies were marked by focused attention to structural change by political leadership. In this sense, an inclusive approach and response from the political leadership in Nigeria places some optimism in the quest for long-term growth and economic progress. Leadership at the level of nation-states had a greater impact on growth and development than at any higher level. A developing country’s own leadership had the major responsibility to initiate, guide and pace its growth process. History and successful models of change provide a message of hope, that with the right policies, attributes and dispositions of its leaders, good countries can become better. However, at other times political leaders thwart the development of their nations through corrupt practices and greed that undermines development objectives.
REFERENCES
1. Akande, J. (2016). Ethnicity, Religion and Corruption in Nigeria. African Journal of Politics & Society, 3(2), 87-101.
2. Ake, C. (1981). _A Political Economy of Africa_. Longman.
3. Akinbobola, M. (2019). Fiscal Policy and Economic Performance in Nigeria: An Empirical Analysis, Nigerian Journal of Economics, 22(3), 56-71.
4. Akindele, R.A., & Ate, B.E. (2012). Nigeria and the ECOWAS since 1985: Towards an Explanation of a Paid Piper and his Unchanged Tune. Nigerian Forum.
5. Ajakaiye, O., & Adedeji, O. (2018). Colonialism and Economic Development in Nigeria: A Review of Its Impact. Journal of African Development Studies, 11(2), 45-60.
6. Central Bank of Nigeria. (2022). Annual Report. Retrieved from [cbn.gov.ng](https://www.cbn.gov.ng)
7. Ekanade, O. (2014). *The Dynamics of Forced Neoliberalism in Nigeria since the 1980s*. Ibadan: Indiana University Press.
8. Ekundare, R. O. (1973). _An Economic History of Nigeria 1860-1960_. Africana Publishing Corporation.
9. Falola, T., & Heaton, M. M. (2008). _A History of Nigeria_. Cambridge University Press.
10. Federal Ministry of Industry, Trade, and Investment. (2022). Nigeria Industrial Revolution Plan (NIRP). Retrieved from [trade.gov.ng](https://www.trade.gov.ng)
11. Ibrahim, A. B. (2020). Economic Recovery and Growth Plan (ERGP): A Pathway to Sustainable Development in Nigeria. Nigerian Journal of Economic Development, 33(2), 55-70.
12. Iyoha, M. A., & Oriakhi, D. E. (2002). \Explaining African Economic Growth Performance: The Case of Nigeria\ (Draft Final Report). African Economic Research Consortium.
13. Kalejaiye, P. O., & Alliyu, N. (2013). The Rise of China and Africa’s Economic Transformation: An Analysis of Nigerian Trade Relations with China. _Journal of Economics and Sustainable Development_, 4(5), 62-72.
14. Klarin, J. (2020). The Role of Political Leadership in Economic Development. Economic Journal, 25(3), 35-50
15. Lewis, P. M. (2007). *Growing Apart: Oil, Politics, and Economic Change in Indonesia and Nigeria*. University of Michigan Press.
17. Marx. K. (1867). Capital: Critique of Political Economy. Moscow: Progress Publishers.
18. Mills, C. W. (2005). “Globalizing Historical Materialism: A Conversation with Charles Mills.” Socialism and Democracy, 19(1), 177-202.
19. National Bureau of Statistics. (2022). Nigerian Gross Domestic Product Report. Retrieved from [nigerianstat.gov.ng] (https://www.nigerianstat.gov.ng)
20. Nnanna, O. J. (2019). Economic Reform and Governance in Nigeria: Progress, Challenges, and Prospects. Journal of African Economic Development, 14(4), 120-135.
21. Nordhaus, William D. “The political business cycle.” The Review of Economic Studies 42.1 (1975): 169-190.
22. North, D.C. (1990). Institutions, Institutional Change, and Economic Performance. Cambridge University Press.
23. Ogunleye, O., & Adeleye, I. (2018). Challenges of Economic Development in Nigeria: The Role of
Policy Inconsistencies and Institutional Frameworks. Journal of African Economics, 42(2), 65-80.
24. Ojo, O. (2017). Military Rule, Democracy Transition, and Political Leadership in Nigeria. Journal of African Political Studies, 4(3), 112-128.
25. Oyekola, K. (2015). Oil Wealth and Economic Development in Nigeria: Challenges and Opportunities. African Development Review, 17(2), 78-94.
26. Onyishi, E. (2018). Political Instability and Foreign Direct Investment in Nigeria. Journal of Political Economy, 35(1), 124-139.
27. Osoba, S. O. (1996). Corruption in Nigeria: Historical Perspectives. _Review of African Political Economy_, 23(69), 371-386.
28. PwC. (2023). The rise of fintech in Nigeria: Challenges and opportunities. Retrieved from [pwc.com] (https://www.pwc.com).
29. Ross, M. L. (2015). The Politics of the Resource Curse: A Review. Developments in the Economics of Natural Resources, 25(1), 35-50.
30. Smith, A. (1776). An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. London: W. Strahan and T. Cadell.
31. Soludo, C. (2017). Oil, Economic Diversification, and Sustainable Development in Nigeria. Nigerian Journal of Economic Policy, 30(3), 72-88.
32. UK Essays. (2018). Why is Nigeria Called the Giant of Africa? Retrieved from
33. Utomi, P. (2013). *Nigeria’s Path to Progress: Towards Economic Recovery and Accelerated Development*. Lagos: Africana Leadership Academy
First publication: International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science (ISSN 2454-6186), vol. VIII, issue VII, July 2024, p. 1274-1282, https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2024.807106 Received: 17 June 2024; Revised: 30 June 2024; Accepted: 04 July 2024; Published: 07 August 2024.
Illustrative Photo by Christina Morillo: https://www.pexels.com/photo/black-and-gray-laptop-computer-turned-on-doing-computer-codes-1181271/
Following an invitation by the Election Commission of Sri Lanka, the European Union has decided to deploy an Election Observation Mission (EOM) to Sri Lanka to observe the Presidential Election scheduled for 21 September 2024. The EU has a long history of accompanying electoral processes in Sri Lanka and has deployed EOMs on six occasions, the last in 2019, reflecting the EU’s commitment and partnership with the country.
The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission, Josep Borrell, has appointed Nacho Sánchez Amor, Member of the European Parliament, as Chief Observer.
The High Representative stated:“The deployment of the Election Observation Mission in Sri Lanka this year confirms our long-standing commitment to supporting credible, transparent, inclusive and peaceful elections in the country. For the EU, observing the election is a way to support the Sri Lankan people and their efforts to strengthen democratic institutions, in line with our multidimensional and sustainable partnership with the country”.
The Chief Observer declared: “I am honoured to lead the EU EOM to Sri Lanka. The forthcoming presidential election will give a new impetus to democracy following to the 2022 political and economic crisis. This election is important for Sri Lanka to continue making progress on its path of reforms and lasting recovery, in full respect of democratic values”.
Background
The EU EOM is deployed at the express invitation of the host country and is led by aChief Observer. It iscomprised of different groups of observers. The Core Team consists of a Deputy Chief Observer and nine election experts who will arrive in Colombo on 13 August 2024. Later in August, 26 long-term observers will join the mission and be deployed across the country to follow the election campaign. Thereafter, 32 short-term observers will reinforce the mission on election week, also deployed throughout the country. The EU EOM will remain in the country until the completion of the electoral process.
In line with the EU methodology on election observation, the mission will issue a preliminary statement and hold a press conference in Colombo after the election. A final report, including recommendations for future electoral processes, will be presented and shared with national authorities and stakeholders after the finalisation of the entire electoral process.
The Tenth International Military-Technical Forum “Army – 2024” held from August 12 to 14 at the “Patriot” Congress and Exhibition Center (Kubinka, Moscow Region).
The event is presented as the world’s leading exhibition of armaments and military equipment, but this year the forum is held in a much more modest format, with representatives from Iran, Belarus, North Korea, Vietnam and China present. Due to the circumstances, the traditional military shows at the Kubinka airport and the Alabino training ground will not be held this year.
One of the central stands of the exhibition was prepared by the Russian Orthodox Church. The stand is of the Synodal Department for interaction with the Armed Forces and law enforcement agencies, presenting not only the department’s activities, but also the service of the military clergy. Visitors are greeted by military chaplains prepared to answer important spiritual-political questions. The stand presents products of the military-industrial complex, which also offer “heavenly protection” (see the inscription on the display case). This group includes 2 and 3 mm titanium ballistic plates with icons depicted on them (can be used separately or in combination with body armor) and helmets with sacred images.
Since February 2022, the Russian Orthodox Church has sent seven hundred priests to the war against Ukraine and consecrated over 50 thousand military sites and units of military equipment.
TASS has prepared an article about International Military-Technical Forum’s history:
The International Military-Technical Forum “Army” has been held annually since 2015 in accordance with the order of the Russian government. The organizer is the Russian Ministry of Defense. The event includes a large-scale exhibition of the achievements of the Russian defense industry. The forum is designed to promote the technical re-equipment of the Russian Armed Forces (AF) and increase their efficiency, patriotic education of Russian youth, as well as the development of international military-technical cooperation and strengthening the positive image of the Russian Armed Forces. The forum structure includes a static exposition, dynamic and scientific-business programs, as well as protocol and cultural-artistic events.
Photo: Coat of arms of the Military department of the Moscow Patriarchate: “God is with us”
An expert from the Union of Gardeners in Russia reveals the secret
Olga Voronova, an expert from the Union of Gardeners in Russia, explained why cucumbers can grow crooked.
The first reason why cucumbers grow crooked is insufficient pollination. The second is sudden stress, usually temperature. For example, it was warm, and then it suddenly got cold with rain and vice versa, says the expert in a comment for Moscow 24.
To protect yourself from temperature differences, it is necessary to cover the cucumbers at night. The same should be done in the conditions of rainy weather and sudden cold, explains Voronova.
To attract bees and other pollinators, you can plant carrots next to cucumbers. They should be placed near the beds or planted in a greenhouse.
The expert points out that you can plant parthenocarpic cucumbers that do not need pollination.
According to forecasters, August will be hot. This means that your vegetable garden will need to be watered regularly.
Source: rambler
Illustrative Photo by Nayan Tiwari: https://www.pexels.com/photo/cucumbers-on-market-21644440/
At least 20 civilians were reportedly killed, and 15 others injured, in recent days, while water stations and other civilian facilities were reportedly damaged or affected, including a UN-supported centre on rural livelihoods.
The fighting has also resulted in power cuts that affected hospitals and water stations.
People living in Deir-ez-Zor continue to experience severe water and fuel shortages, very limited access to healthcare facilities and food insecurity.
OCHAurged warring parties to respect international humanitarian law, including taking constant care to spare civilians and civilian infrastructure in the course of military operations.
The latest escalation comes as Syria faces record levels of need following 13 years of war, with more than 16 million people requiring assistance this year, amid critical shortfalls in funding.
A $4 billion Humanitarian Response Plan for the country has received $962 million so far, or less than 25 per cent.
Human rights office renews call for probe into Israel’s detention practices
The UN Human Rights Office in the Occupied Palestinian Territory has reiterated the urgent need for an investigation into Israel’s detention practices following the circulation of another video which allegedly shows a Palestinian man being sexually abused and tortured by soldiers.
In a statement issued on Thursday, the Office said that “according to a major Israeli media outlet, the video is purportedly of the act in Israel’s Sde Teiman detention camp for which nine soldiers were arrested on 29 July.”
It added that UN Human Rights has documented a number of videos in recent months which show gross violations of the rights of Palestinians detained by Israel, including acts of ill treatment, torture, sexual violence and rape.
“Israel must ensure prompt, independent and effective investigations into all allegations of violations related to the treatment of detainees and conditions of detention, which UN Human Rights monitoring reveals may be widespread, and ensure that perpetrators are held to account,” the Office said.
Vaccines in the spotlight amid ‘summer wave of COVID-19’ in Europe
As Europe confronts a rise in COVID-19 infections, a new study by the World Health Organization (WHO) confirms that vaccines do indeed save lives.
The study found that from the time they were introduced in December 2020 through to March 2023, COVID-19 vaccines reduced deaths due to the pandemic by nearly 60 per cent. As a result, more than 1.6 million lives were saved in the WHO European Region, which comprises 53 countries.
The report also revealed that the known COVID-19 death toll in the region, currently 2.2 million, might have been as high as four million without the vaccines.
“The results are clear: COVID-19 vaccination saves lives,” said Dr. Margaux Meslé, author of the study, which was published in The Lancet Respiratory Medicine journal.
“Without the enormous vaccination effort, we would have seen many more livelihoods disrupted and families losing the most vulnerable among them,” she added.
WHO said the findings are valid as several European countries have reported an uptick in cases in recent weeks, or “a summer wave of COVID-19”.
The agency said this serves as “a timely reminder that while COVID-19 is fading into distant memory for millions of people, the virus has not gone away.”
The “Seeding the Peace” URIE Interfaith youth camp, held in The Hague, Netherlands, brought together 20 young participants and six youth facilitators from across Europe for a unique five-day experience (1-6 of August 2024). This camp aimed to foster multicultural friendships, explore interfaith dialogue, and promote ecological justice.
It was supported by URI Europe and co-organized by 4 URIE CCs Bridges from Bulgaria, Voem from Belgium, Udhetim-i.Lire from Albania and Colorful Segbroek from The Netherlands which hosted the camp in the city of Peace and Justice, The Hague. Also, Sarah Oliver, URI Global Youth and Learning Coordinator, has played an important role in supporting and training youth facilitators.
Day 1: Building Friendships of Trust
The camp started with an official opening at the “Broeders van Sint-Jan Den Haag” Monastery, where participants from Bulgaria, Albania, Belgium, and the Netherlands gathered. Icebreaker games helped the youth bond and introduced the camp’s structure, dividing them into groups representing air, water, fire, and earth. These groups would take turns motivating their peers, maintaining order, and documenting their experiences.
Day 2: Creating Cultures of Interfaith Dialogue
On the second day, participants visited the Peace Palace, where they learned about its history and significance in promoting peace and international justice. This visit was followed by a workshop on interfaith dialogue, centered around the Golden Rule: “Treat others the way you want to be treated.” Through interactive games, the participants deepened their understanding of each other’s cultural and religious backgrounds, setting the stage for meaningful interfaith discussions.
Day 3: Environmental and Social Justice
The third day was a blend of cultural exploration and environmental education. Participants visited a Hindu temple, gaining insights into Hinduism’s rich cultural and spiritual traditions. This was followed by a workshop on environmental protection, where they discussed the importance of sustainability and practical steps they could take to protect the environment. The day concluded with a self-reflective activity where participants wrote postcards to their future selves, capturing their goals and aspirations.
Day 4: Peace and the Arts
A day full of energy, participants explored The Hague, visited famous landmarks, and enjoyed a fun beach activity. The afternoon session was led by HRH Prince Boris of Bulgaria, who came to support and to contribute to the idea of the cross-cultural and interfaith dialogue among young people. Being at the same age as youth facilitators. He accepted with great joy an invitation from Bridges CC to be part of the leading team and to deliver a workshop. “Seeding the creativity” was the title chosen for the session. The idea of peace and eco-justice was beautifully translated into an art piece made by all participants under Prince’s guidance. The day ended with a vibrant cultural exchange night, where participants shared their cultures through music, dance, and food, creating lasting memories and deepening their connections.
Day 5: Celebrating Peace in Action
The last day of the camp was marked by a visit to a liberal synagogue, where participants engaged in a meaningful dialogue with the rabbi. The day continued with a creative workshop titled “Express Your Freedom,” led by Carola Goodwin. Through painting, the youth expressed their understanding of freedom and human rights, culminating in a powerful exhibition of their work. The camp concluded with a shared dinner, reflection on the experiences, discussions on future collaborations, and a certificate ceremony.
The “Seeding the Peace” youth camp was a transformative experience, equipping young people with the skills and knowledge to be changemakers in their communities. The friendships formed, the lessons learned, and the cultural exchanges that took place will continue to inspire these young leaders as they work towards a more peaceful and just world.
Photo: HRH Prince Boris of Bulgaria at the certificate ceremony
