The anti-coercion instrument will be the EU’s new tool to fight economic threats and unfair trade restrictions by non-EU countries.
Why does the EU need a new tool to tackle trade conflicts?
Global trade can help to boost wealth and create jobs. However, sometimes countries resort to blackmail or trade restrictions to give their companies an unfair advantage, leading to trade conflicts with the EU.
As this is becoming more frequent, additional tools are needed
The anti-coercion instrument will help the EU deal with countries restricting trade to try to force a change in EU policies. One example is the trade restrictions China imposed on Lithuania after it announced it was improving trade relations with Taiwan in June 2021.
A few months after the announcement, Lithuanian companies reported difficulties renewing or concluding contracts with Chinese firms. They also had issues with shipments not being cleared and not being able to file customs paperwork. Parliament has denounced China’s economic coercion of Lithuania in several resolutions.
What measures can the EU currently take to resolve trade conflicts?
The EU can make use of a range of anti-dumping measures. The EU can impose fines on non-EU countries if they are found to be dumping products in Europe. The fine takes the form of anti-dumping duties or tariffs on the dumped products.
The EU is also a member of the World Trade Organization, which can help to resolve disputes between members. However, procedures can take a very long time and don’t cover all infringements.
How will the anti-coercion instrument work?
The aim of the anti-coercion tool is to act as a deterrent, allowing the EU to resolve trade conflicts through negotiation.
However, as a last resort it could be used to launch countermeasures against a non-EU country, including a wide range of restrictions related to trade, investment and funding.
MEPs are expected to vote on the agreement during the plenary session on 2-5 October. After that the Council will have to approve it before it can enter into force.
Namur, a gourmet city: discover its cuisine and local specialties
Namur, located in Belgium, is a picturesque city that enchants its visitors with its architectural beauty and warm atmosphere. But what makes Namur even more attractive is its delicious cuisine and local specialties that reflect the gastronomic richness of the region.
Namur cuisine is renowned for its simplicity and authenticity. Here, dishes are prepared with fresh, local produce, highlighting the natural flavors of the ingredients. The people of Namur attach particular importance to the quality of the products used in their cuisine, which results in tasty and generous dishes.
One of the most famous specialties of Namur is the “tarte al djote”. This tart made with chard, cheese and shortcrust pastry is a delight for the taste buds. Chard, also known as “djote” in the local dialect, is a green plant used in many traditional dishes in the region. The al djote tart is often enjoyed with a local beer to accompany this succulent dish.
Another Namur specialty is “stoemp”. It is a dish made from mashed potatoes mixed with vegetables such as carrots, spinach or cabbage. Stoemp is often served with sausages or ham, creating a perfect marriage between the mild flavors of the vegetables and the salty taste of the meat. This simple but delicious dish is a true symphony of flavors that delights the palates of gourmands.
Sweet lovers will not be left out in Namur. The city is famous for its delicious waffles, which are a real institution in Belgium. Namur waffles are distinguished by their light and crispy texture, as well as their generous topping of icing sugar. They can be enjoyed plain, or garnished with fresh fruit, whipped cream or melted chocolate for those with a sweet tooth.
Speaking of chocolate, Namur is also known for its delicious production of artisanal chocolates. Namur chocolatiers use traditional techniques and quality ingredients to create fine and refined chocolates. From praline to truffles to chocolate bars, the chocolatiers of Namur are artists who transform this delight into a true work of art.
To accompany these culinary delights, the people of Namur appreciate local beers. Belgium is famous for its brewing tradition, and Namur is no exception. Local breweries produce a wide range of beers, from light lagers to fuller-bodied browns. Namur beers are renowned for their quality and unique taste, making them the ideal companion for any meal.
In addition to its local cuisine, Namur also offers a variety of restaurants and cafes that offer international cuisine. From Italian restaurants to Asian restaurants to French bistros, travelers can find a wide variety of culinary choices in this foodie city.
In conclusion, Namur is a gourmet city that will satisfy the taste buds of the most demanding visitors. With its authentic cuisine, local specialties and brewing culture, Namur offers a unique culinary experience that will delight all lovers of good food. So, don’t hesitate any longer and come discover the gastronomic treasures of this charming Belgian city. Enjoy your food !
Since the ban of Jehovah’s Witnesses in 2017, more than 2,000 homes of believers have been subjected to lengthy searches. Nearly 400 people were thrown in jail, and 730 believers were criminally charged.
A total of 730 people, including 166 women, have been criminally prosecuted over the past six years, as of June 8, 2023.
Zayshchuk Elena
Almost a quarter of all victims of criminal prosecution for their faith are over 60 years old—173 people. The oldest is 89-year-old Elena Zayshchuk from Vladivostok.
In May 2023, during a raid on believers in Novocheboksarsk, Chuvashia, Yuriy Yuskov, an 85-year-old local believer, learned that he was being criminally prosecuted.
SPECIAL OPERATIONS AGAINST JEHOVAH’S WITNESSES
Searches have taken place in almost every part of Russia—in 77 regions.
The largest numbers were in Krasnoyarsk Territory (119), Primorye Territory (97), Krasnodar Territory (92), Voronezh Region (79), Stavropol Territory (65), Rostov Region (56), Chelyabinsk Region (55), Moscow (54), Trans-Baikal Territory (53), Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Area (50), Kemerovo Region (47), Tatarstan (46), Khabarovsk Territory (44), Astrakhan Region (43), and Kirov Region (41). On the peninsula of Crimea, including Sevastopol, Russian authorities conducted a total of 98 searches of the homes of Jehovah’s Witnesses.
The special operation in Voronezh in July 2020 was the largest raid on Jehovah’s Witnesses. The Investigative Committee reported that more than 110 searches were conducted. From the regional capital alone, 64 searches were reported. Five believers reported abuse and torture by security forces.
Ten people were sent to pre-trial detention centers. Yuri Galka and Anatoly Yagupov were able to report from the detention center that on the day they were detained, they were suffocated with bags and beaten in an effort to force a confession. In addition, believers Aleksandr Bokov, Dmitry Katyrov, and Aleksandr Korol stated that they were beaten.
Tolmachev Andrey
During the special operation in Irkutsk, which took place in October 2020, windows and doors in the homes of believers were broken. People were beaten and tortured, such as Anatoly Razdobarov, Nikolai Merinov, and their wives. During medical examinations, these and other believers documented multiple injuries. Andrei Tolmachev, the only son of his retired parents, was beaten to unconsciousness right in front of their eyes during the search. He and seven other local Jehovah’s Witnesses have been confined to a pre-trial detention center for more than 600 days.
The special operation in Moscow, which took place in November 2020, was widely covered on Russian television. Law enforcement officers wearing helmets and bulletproof vests and carrying automatic rifles broke down doors, threw believers to the floor, and handcuffed or tied their hands behind their backs with plastic clamps. During one search, they first twisted the arms of a neighbor of the believers, but when they realized they had made a mistake, they began breaking down the door to the believers’ apartment. The head of the family had his hands tied, was thrown on the floor, and was hit with the butt of submachine gun on the back. During another search, law enforcers struck 49-year-old Vardan Zakaryan in the head with the butt of an automatic rifle. The believer was hospitalized and kept in the hospital under heavy guard.
Over 2000 homes of Jehovah’s Witnesses searched in 6 years in Russia 13Over 2000 homes of Jehovah’s Witnesses searched in 6 years in Russia 14Over 2000 homes of Jehovah’s Witnesses searched in 6 years in Russia 15Over 2000 homes of Jehovah’s Witnesses searched in 6 years in Russia 16Over 2000 homes of Jehovah’s Witnesses searched in 6 years in Russia 17Over 2000 homes of Jehovah’s Witnesses searched in 6 years in Russia 18Over 2000 homes of Jehovah’s Witnesses searched in 6 years in Russia 19Over 2000 homes of Jehovah’s Witnesses searched in 6 years in Russia 20
It is not yet known whether they are of natural or artificial origin
Harvard professor Avi Loeb announced that he has completed his analysis of small spherical fragments of the space body IM1. The object crashed into the Pacific Ocean in 2014 and has since been claimed to be from another star system.
In April 2022, the US Space Command declassified a memo confirming the speculation. According to the Pentagon, IM1 most likely originated in interstellar space based on the speed at which it flew across the sky in January 2014 before crashing into the Pacific Ocean.
The survey collected 700 particles from the bottom in the collision region. Of these, 57 turned out to be from IM1.
The study focused on five of the tiny balls called “spherules.” They show “a compositional composition of elements never before seen in this ratio”.
IM1 was traveling at a speed of 60 kilometers per second before crashing into Earth. This is faster than 95% of all stars near the Sun. The object retained its integrity at an impact speed of 45 kilometers per second.
Its strength is greater than all 272 space rocks documented by NASA in the CNEOS meteor catalog. The strength is higher than all known iron meteorites.
Avi Loeb: “The extracted spherules are analyzed by the best instruments in the world within four laboratories at: Harvard University, the University of California at Berkeley, the Bruker Corporation and the University of Technology in Papua New Guinea – whose vice chancellor signed a memorandum of understanding with Harvard University to partnership in expeditionary research,” states Loeb.
The S21 spherule has a higher content of beryllium (Be), lanthanum (La) and uranium (U), relative to the standard composition of objects in the Solar System. It is the ratio of the elements that is the greatest evidence for the alien origin of IM1.
Loeb says he still doesn’t know if the object is natural or man-made, only that it came from another star system. Loeb’s discovery has yet to be confirmed by independent experts.
Illustrative Photo by Sascha Thiele: https://www.pexels.com/photo/ocean-water-during-yellow-sunset-747016/
The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) obliged Bulgaria to create a authorized framework to recognize same-sex relationships. The determination was made within the case of Koilova and Babulkova towards Bulgaria, knowledgeable lawyer Denitsa Ljubenova, who represents the household.
Six years of wrestle with the Bulgarian establishments
Lilia Babulkova and Darina Koilova have been collectively for greater than 14 years. In 2016, they bought married in Great Britain, however since 2017 the Bulgarian establishments have refused to register their marriage.
The ECtHR dominated that companions can not regulate important elements of their life as a pair, equivalent to these associated to property, upkeep, safety from home violence and inheritance, like an formally acknowledged household. They additionally can not refer to the existence of their relationship in relations with the judicial or administrative authorities, summarizes Ljubenova. The courtroom finds that none of the grounds for violation of the general public curiosity put ahead by the federal government prevails over the candidates’ curiosity in receiving satisfactory recognition and authorized safety of their relationship, writes “Deutsche Welle”.
Changes to the Family Code are coming
“This was necessary in order to encourage the Bulgarian legislator to create a legal framework. Up until this point, we had no external obligation to create one,” Denitsa Ljubenova advised DV. “From now on, in order to fulfill its positive obligations and end the violation, it must create a legal framework, which will require changes to the family code.”
Illustrative Photo by Artem Podrez: https://www.pexels.com/photo/two-kids-doing-some-artworks-6941096/
Boom! There it is (again), this disturbing crowd armed with clubs. Lighting torches, brandishing pitchforks, supporting progress like the rope supports the hanged man. We will remember, she had already caused misery to Galileo and it is regularly, full of hatred as well as ignorance, that we see her in the Simpsons attacking everything that resembles good sense. Since the last time, we can say that we didn’t miss her. Remember, these were barbaric practices that could not be revisited (and again!) in the interest of animal welfare without being called Islamophobic, or something like that. But, you will tell me, these people can say what they think! It’s their right! OK, no need to convince me on that. Let’s stay on the question of rights by talking about the right to education because it is clear that some of these terrible jokers will have taken the next step by burning down schools. And, at the risk of seeming a bit belligerent to you, I see it as a declaration of war. Against who? You, me, us. Finally, our society as a whole since declared to its laboratory and its favorite anteroom: the school. But, I am perhaps going a little far given that even the decapitation of a teacher, these days, with a little victim lexicon, it is put into perspective.
Faced with this lively and distinguished crowd, we first find those stunned, not to say naive. They really didn’t see ANYTHING coming. But yes, strange unidentified flying object that this retrograde stiffening. “Where did he sneak in? No doubt he made his way in while we were discussing the sex of angels? In any case, it is now more common, in living rooms where one allows oneself to think, to ogle one’s forelock than to watch the back door.
Next to it, you have the fascists. We could do without them too. Especially when they try to be buddy-buddy. Whatever the subject, from their point of view all fights are good as long as they can eat the veil and the djellaba. What bothers them is not really that women’s rights, for example, are violated, no. It’s because young dark-haired people listen to music too loudly and an illicit smell of Ras el-hanout floats in the air. “Because in my time, it smelled of marjoram and I can tell you that Huguette was sweet!”
In the background (because they feel really bored at the moment…) there are the defenders of good. Those who always need victims to save to find a place on the right side of morality. Well yes, for them it hurts. They were on the verge of appearing in the history books as resistance fighters against our fascist state. No luck. Not only do their favorite instruments/victims demonstrate against good (apparently, they weren’t too keen on mixing tolerance and homosexuality in the same sentence) but, IN ADDITION – you’ll see, it’s hilarious – they are doing alongside very Caucasian conservatives who, in the past, had already rebelled quite a bit against the right to abortion and other nice things. Stop the machines, living together is out of fashion. Hating together is faster and above all more effective. In any case, it reconciles quamis and corduroy more easily and that’s a find!
Let’s ignore those who don’t care (there are too many of them) and, in a corner, divided, you will find the secularists, the real ones… as united as the former Yugoslavia. Don’t make me say bad things about them, I’m one of them! But it’s true that it must be said that between the naive people who move around like kids whose schoolbags are being extorted, the fascists who file their teeth with bayonets, the virtuous who caress their narcissus in a corner , the unconscious people who throw bread to the ducks and the secular people who always look under the microscope at the train that is coming straight at them, it makes you want to slam the door.
“But, this text has passed, what more do you want?” Yes, I admit it, the text has been passed and I am delighted that toddlers, of all origins (I see you coming, smart kids), can hear at school what is not always said at home. “Man has no authority over women”, “Homosexuality is normal”, “When it’s no, it’s no”, take your pick, there are plenty of them. Hear it and above all acquire the skills accordingly. With all due respect to the fervent defenders of the sacrosanct privilege of parents to address these questions – while charging the school mule for everything else – it is in favor of greater equality that this knowledge must be taught fairly. Equality for each and everyone to benefit from the same relational codes in their approach both to themselves and to others. No differentialism, even if it is shrouded in sacredness, could serve as a stepping stone to the creation of second-class citizens, citizens who have not been provided with their own instructions, instructions necessary for all life in Company. What better way, moreover, to create ghettos than to leave the transmission of such societal values to the discretion of family units. These principles do not concern exclusively these cells but the entire organism, if it wants to be viable and are all common denominators going far beyond the interests of egocentric particularisms.
Yes, EVRAS was supported. Well played guys. Shall we send the end credits? No. This would ignore the underlying problem. Because, if a text that nothing should have prevented has indeed been saved – yay! – lukewarm is the mobilization today to denounce the incredible and violent reactions that this will have provoked. Here we are relieved, satisfied to have defended what was nothing other than the obvious. Champagne, then. Enough of naivety. Considering this outcome as a victory would be like believing that the Dreyfus affair was enough to defeat anti-Semitism. Isn’t it time to name things rather than being afraid of them again and again? What is this news if not the snapshot of a growing problem, the composite portrait of an identity rage and a religious entryism which progress hand in hand, doors opened by some and reverences made by others? others. Intolerance, the one of which we all tremble at being accused, a stinking lackey bringing discredit and denouncing those who are accused of it, there it is. Once distinguished, let’s not stop there and let’s not be afraid (especially!) to name it.
How much longer will we, feeling more guilty than guilty, play with soft stomachs, lower our heads and look at our shoes? The first step was semantic and infiltrated all sectors, particularly institutional. The next will use institutions to impose differentialism that is uninhibited because it is legal. Let’s stop feeding the crocodile, giving in, thinking of calming this steamroller.
Let’s do better than defend ourselves, let’s act! Let’s invest in the land in solidarity. It is almost not too late to install strict neutrality in public services and transmit to young people the knowledge and taste of this treasure wrested from obscurantism at the cost of so much effort: Secularism. A secularism to be included in our Constitution. Right now!
The time has come to unite and come out of the woods. Rest assured, not to burn down schools, no. To invest them.
The fifth session of the International Conference on Chemicals Management (ICCM-5), organized by UN environment programme UNEP and hosted by Germany, kicks off in Bonn on Monday.
“ICCM-5 is expected to be a watershed moment for international cooperation on chemicals and wastes”, said a statement released by the group of more than 30 experts.
“It is a once in a generation opportunity to deliver a robust outcome to confront the global toxic tide.”
They urged those attending the conference to be guided by human rights principles in line with a “post-2020 global policy framework on the sound management of chemicals and wastes.”
According to the experts, “the threats of infertility, deadly illnesses, neurological and other disabilities resulting from exposure to hazardous chemicals and wastes, reveal the widespread and systematic denial of basic human rights for countless persons and groups in vulnerable situations.”
The experts went on to list people who are mostly exposed to these toxic environments, including workers, women and children, the poor and Indigenous Peoples.
‘Toxification’ must stop
“Humanity cannot afford to further aggravate the toxification of the planet,” the experts added.
“For ICCM-5 to deliver the ambition and strength needed to overcome the global toxic emergency facing humanity, it needs to explicitly embrace a human rights-based approach,” the group of UN experts warned.
Special Rapporteurs and other UN experts are not UN staff and are independent from any government or organisation. They serve in their individual capacity and receive no salary for their work.
Leuven, a prestigious university in the heart of the city: the history and importance of KU Leuven
Located in Belgium, in the Flemish region, the city of Leuven is home to one of the most prestigious universities in Europe: KU Leuven. Founded in 1425, this academic institution plays a major role in the cultural, scientific and economic development of the country.
The history of KU Leuven goes back centuries. Originally, the university was a Catholic institution, founded by a pope and supported by monarchs and nobles. It has experienced many challenges over the years, particularly during periods of war and social conflict. Despite these difficulties, the university has managed to maintain itself and develop, becoming a symbol of resilience and progress.
Throughout its history, KU Leuven has been the birthplace of numerous scientific discoveries and academic contributions. It played a key role in the development of medicine, philosophy, theology, linguistics, engineering and many other fields. Many world-renowned researchers and professors have been trained at KU Leuven, making it a leading place for learning and intellectual exchange.
In addition to its impact on the academic world, KU Leuven also plays an important role in the region’s economy. It is a driver of innovation and entrepreneurship, promoting the creation of start-ups and collaboration with industry. Many research projects carried out at KU Leuven have resulted in practical applications and contributed to the technological and economic development of the country.
KU Leuven is also recognized for its social commitment and its contribution to society. It strives to promote values such as diversity, equal opportunities and sustainability. She encourages her students to engage in volunteer activities and participate in sustainable development projects. The university regularly organizes conferences, debates and cultural events open to the public, thus promoting dialogue and the exchange of ideas.
In addition to its academic role, KU Leuven is a central element of student life in the city of Leuven. With more than 50,000 students, it is the region’s main employer and contributes to the social and cultural dynamics of the city. KU Leuven students are involved in numerous clubs and associations, organizing sporting, cultural and social events.
KU Leuven also has an impressive campus, mixing medieval architecture and modernity. Historic buildings such as City Hall and the university library provide a unique backdrop to the student experience. The campus also has numerous sports facilities, libraries, laboratories and modern classrooms.
In conclusion, KU Leuven is much more than just a university. It is an institution that has marked the history of Belgium and which continues to play a key role in the academic, economic and social development of the country. With its rich history, its scientific contributions and its student dynamics, KU Leuven is a jewel of the city of Leuven and a pride for Belgium.
The World Health Organization’s representative to the DRC, Dr Boureima Hama Sambo, warned that in six eastern provinces, health facilities have been set alight, health workers killed and others face constant physical and psychological threats, while supplies have been looted. Heavy rain, flooding and landslides have also compromised aid access.
Dr Sambo said that the DRC is facing its worst cholera outbreak since 2017, with the eastern provinces accounting for 80 per cent of the cases. The country is also battling a major measles epidemic and the combination of measles and malnutrition was particularly deadly for children under five.
The UN health agency official said that WHO has deployed experts to the affected areas to support the authorities in investigating and responding to these outbreaks, delivered medical supplies for cholera treatment, supported transportation of samples to labs for testing, and built cholera treatment centres.
The World Health Organization recently completed a vaccination campaign in Ituri province reaching over one million of children under five, with more campaigns to follow in Kasaï and Mai-Ndombe.
WHO was also providing health services, including access to mental health and psychosocial support, to victims of gender-based violence. Some 23,000 cases were reported in the six provinces from January to August 2023 and Dr Sambo said that the real figures were “probably much higher”.
For a “more sustainable and resilient health response” in eastern DRC, Dr Sambo called for stronger donor support, as the UN health agency’s response in the region was only 14 per cent funded so far.
Women and girls in Iran are required by law to follow a dress code outside their homes.
Iran: new hijab bill must be shelved: Türk
High Commissioner for human rights Volker Türk, said on Friday that Iran’s “draconian” Chastity and Hijab Bill “flagrantly flies in the face of international law” and must be shelved.
The bill vastly increases jail terms for offenders and provides for crushing fines on women and girls who do not obey the compulsory dress code.
According to the UN rights office (OHCHR), under the new, “even stricter” bill, now in its final stage of consideration before Iran’s constitutional court, those who do not comply with country’s strict Islamic dress code on head coverings and modest clothing risk up to 10 years in jail.
Those found in breach could also be flogged, as well as fined up to an equivalent of $8,500, subjected to travel restrictions and deprived of online access.
OHCHR called the decree “repressive and demeaning”, insisting that “women and girls must not be treated as second class citizens”.
Russia expert says mandate provides ‘bridge to the Russian people’
The independent UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Russia, Mariana Katzarova, underscored on Friday the importance of her mandate to give a voice to victims of alleged violations in the country.
“Why is my mandate important? Because it’s also the bridge to the Russian people, to the victims, to the civil society, to those who dare speak against the war on Ukraine”, she told reporters in Geneva.
“It’s a voice for the people of the Russian Federation, this mandate.”
The independent Human Rights Council-appointed expert presented her first report to the Council on Thursday, sounding the alarm about what she says is a pattern of suppression of civil and political rights in Russia.
‘Persistent use of torture’
She voiced grave concerns over mass arbitrary arrests and the “persistent use of torture and ill-treatment.”
Citing almost 200 sources from inside and outside the country, the independent expert expressed concern about a lack of judicial independence and right to a fair trial.
The mandate of the Special Rapporteur on Russia was created by the Human Rights Council in October last year, for a period of one year.
Ms. Katzarova told reporters that she thought a continuation of the mandate would be important, especially amid what she called “dark times for human rights” in Russia.
This is the first time in its history that the Council has authorised a rights expert to investigate rights violations within the borders of one of the permanent members of the UN Security Council, the so-called “P5”.
Ms. Katzarova stressed that the P5 had a special responsibility to set an example for the rest of the world.
India: UN rights chief welcomes new bill to boost women in parliament
Rights chief Volker Türk welcomed on Friday the passage of a landmark bill in India which will reserve one third of seats in national and state parliaments for women.
The UN rights office (OHCHR) said that the Women’s Reservation Bill will constitutionally entrench women’s representation in parliament and be a “transformative move” for gender equality in India.
Citing India’s example, Mr. Türk called on parliamentarians around the world to adopt legislative measures – including, where necessary, gender quotas – to ensure women’s equal participation in the political discourse.
The new Bill requires ratification by at least 50 per cent of India’s states to enter into force and the UN rights office called for their “swift support” and rapid implementation of the new system.
The previous part of this analysis, entitled “Sahel – Conflicts, Coups and Migration Bombs”, addressed the issue of the rise of terrorist activity in West Africa and the inability to end the guerrilla war waged by Islamic radicals against government troops in Mali, Burkina Faso , Niger, Chad and Nigeria. The issue of the ongoing civil war in the Central African Republic was also discussed.
One of the important conclusions is that the intensification of the conflict is fraught with the high risk of a “migration bomb” that would lead to unprecedented migration pressure along the entire southern border of the European Union. An important circumstance is also the possibilities of Russian foreign policy to manipulate the intensity of conflicts in countries such as Mali, Burkina Faso, Chad and the Central African Republic. [39] With its hand on the “counter” of a potential migration explosion, Moscow could easily be tempted to use induced migration pressure against EU states that are generally already designated as hostile.
In this risky situation, a special role is played by the Fulani people – an ethnic group of semi-nomads, migratory livestock breeders who inhabit the strip from the Gulf of Guinea to the Red Sea and number 30 to 35 million people according to various data. Being a people who have historically played a very important role in the penetration of Islam into Africa, especially West Africa, the Fulani are a huge temptation for Islamic radicals, despite the fact that they profess the Sufi school of Islam, which is undoubtedly the most tolerant, as and the most mystical.
Unfortunately, as will be seen from the analysis below, the issue is not just about religious opposition. The conflict is not only ethno-religious. It is socio-ethno-religious, and in recent years, the effects of the wealth accumulated through corruption, converted into livestock ownership – the so-called neo-pastoralism – have begun to exert an additional strong influence. This phenomenon is particularly characteristic of Nigeria and will be the subject of the third part of this analysis.
The Fulani and Jihadism in Central Mali: Between Change, Social Rebellion and Radicalization
While Operation Serval succeeded in 2013 in pushing back the jihadists who had taken over northern Mali, and Operation Barhan prevented them from returning to the front line, forcing them into hiding, the attacks not only did not stop, but spread to the central part of Mali (in the area of the bend of the Niger River, also known as Massina). In general, terrorist attacks increased after 2015.
Jihadists are certainly not in control of the region as they were in northern Mali in 2012 and are forced into hiding. They do not have a “monopoly on violence” as militias have been created to fight them, sometimes with the support of the authorities. However, targeted attacks and killings are increasing, and insecurity has reached such a level that the region is no longer under real government control. Many civil servants have left their posts, a significant number of schools have been closed, and the recent presidential elections could not be held in a number of municipalities.
To some extent, this situation is the result of “contagion” from the North. Pushed out of the northern cities, which they held under control for several months after failing to create an independent state, forced to “behave more discreetly”, the jihadist armed groups, looking for new strategies and new ways of operating, were able to take advantage of the factors of instability in the Central region to gain new influence.
Some of these factors are common to both the central and northern regions. However, it would be wrong to believe that the serious incidents that have regularly occurred in the central part of Mali for years after 2015 are just a continuation of the northern conflict.
In fact, other weaknesses are more specific to the central regions. The targets of local communities exploited by jihadists are very different. While the Tuareg in the north claimed the independence of Azaouad (a region which is actually mythical – it never corresponded to any political entity of the past, but which separates for the Tuareg all the regions in the north of Mali), the communities represented in the central regions , do not make comparable political claims, insofar as they make any claims at all.
The significance of the difference between the role of the Fulani in northern events and in the central regions, which is emphasized by all observers, is telling. Indeed, the founder of the Masina Liberation Front, the most important of the armed groups involved, Hamadoun Kufa, who was killed on November 28, 2018, was ethnically Fulani, as were the vast majority of his fighters. [38]
Few in the north, the Fulani are numerous in the central regions and concerned like most other communities by the increased competition between migratory herders and settled farmers that is occurring in the region, they suffer more from it due to historical and cultural circumstances.
The defining trends in the region and the Sahel as a whole, which make it difficult for nomads and settled people to live together, are essentially two:
• climate change, already underway in the Sahel region (rainfall has decreased by 20% in the last 40 years), forces nomads to seek new grazing areas;
• population growth, which forces farmers to seek new land, has a particular impact in this already densely populated region. [38]
If the Fulani, as migratory herders, are particularly troubled by the inter-communal competition these developments bring about, it is on the one hand because this competition pits them against almost all other communities (the region is home to the Fulani, Tamashek, Songhai, Bozo, Bambara and the Dogon), and on the other hand, because the Fulani are particularly affected by other developments related more to state policies:
• even if the Malian authorities, unlike what has happened in other countries, have never theorized on the issue of the interest or necessity of settlement, the fact is that development projects are more aimed at settled people. Most often this is due to donor pressure, usually in favor of abandoning nomadism, considered less compatible with modern state building and limiting access to education;
• the introduction in 1999 of decentralization and municipal elections, which, although they gave the Fulani people the opportunity to bring the community’s demands to the political stage, mainly contributed to the emergence of new elites and thereby to the questioning of traditional structures, based on customs, history and religion. The people of the Fulani people felt these transformations particularly strongly, inasmuch as the social relations in their community are ancient. These changes were also initiated by the state, which they had always considered “imported” from the outside, a product of a Western culture far removed from their own. [38]
This effect is, of course, limited within the vicissitudes of decentralization policy. However, it is a fact in a number of municipalities. And undoubtedly the “feeling” of such transformations is stronger than their real impact, especially among the Fulani who tend to consider themselves “victims” of this policy.
Finally, historical reminiscences should not be neglected, although they should not be overestimated either. In the imagination of the Fulani, the Masina Empire (of which Mopti is the capital) represents the golden age of the central regions of Mali. The legacy of this empire includes, in addition to social structures specific to the community and a certain attitude to religion: the Fulani live and perceive themselves as supporters of pure Islam, in the air of the Sufi brotherhood of the Quadriyya, sensitive to the strict application of the injunctions of the Koran.
The jihad preached by leading figures in the Masina empire was different from that preached by the terrorists currently operating in Mali (who had directed their message to other Muslims whose practices were not considered to conform to the founding text). Kufa’s attitude towards the leading figures in the Masina empire was ambiguous. He often referred to them, but again he desecrated the mausoleum of Sekou Amadou. However, the Islam practiced by the Fulani appears to be potentially compatible with some aspects of Salafism that jihadist groups regularly claim as their own. [2]
A new trend seems to be emerging in the central regions of Mali in 2019: gradually the initial motivations for joining purely local jihadist groups appear to be more ideological, a trend that is reflected in the questioning of the Malian state and modernity in general. Jihadi propaganda, which proclaims the rejection of state control (imposed by the West, which is complicit in it) and emancipation from the social hierarchies produced by colonization and the modern state, finds a more “natural” echo among the Fulani than among other ethnic groups . [38]
The regionalization of the Fulani question in the Sahel region
Expansion of the conflict towards Burkina Faso
The Fulani are the majority in the Sahelian part of Burkina Faso, which borders Mali (in particular the provinces of Soum (Jibo), Seeno (Dori) and Ouadlan (Gorom-Goom), which border the regions of Mopti, Timbuktu and Gao) of Mali). and also with Niger – with the Tera and Tillaberi regions. A strong Fulani community also lives in Ouagadougou, where it occupies much of the Dapoya and Hamdalaye neighbourhoods.
At the end of 2016, a new armed group appeared in Burkina Faso that claimed to belong to the Islamic State – Ansarul Al Islamia or Ansarul Islam, whose main leader was Malam Ibrahim Dicko, a Fulani preacher who, like Hamadoun Koufa in Central Mali, made himself known through numerous attacks against Burkina Faso’s defense and security forces and against schools in the provinces of Sum, Seeno and Deleted. [38] During the restoration of government forces’ control over northern Mali in 2013, the Malian armed forces captured Ibrahim Mallam Diko. But he was released after the insistence of the leaders of the Fulani people in Bamako, including the former Speaker of the National Assembly – Aly Nouhoum Diallo.
The leaders of Ansarul Al Islamia are former fighters of MOJWA (Movement for Oneness and Jihad in West Africa – Movement for unity and jihad in West Africa, by “unity” should be understood as “monotheism” – Islamic radicals are extreme monotheists) from central Mali. Malam Ibrahim Dicko is now presumed dead and his brother Jafar Dicko succeeded him as the head of Ansarul Islam. [38]
However, the action of this group remains geographically limited for now.
But, as in central Mali, the entire Fulani community is seen as complicit with the jihadists, who are targeting settled communities. In response to terrorist attacks, settled communities formed their own militias to defend themselves.
Thus, in early January 2019, in response to an armed attack by unidentified persons, residents of Yirgou attacked Fulani-populated areas for two days (January 1 and 2), killing 48 people. A police force was dispatched to restore calm. At the same time, a few miles away, in Bankass Cercle (an administrative subdivision of the Mopti region of Mali), 41 Fulani were killed by Dogons. [14], [42]
The situation in Niger
Unlike Burkina Faso, Niger has no terrorist groups operating from its territory, despite Boko Haram’s attempts to establish itself in the border regions, especially on the Diffa side, winning over young Nigeriens who feel that the economic situation in the country deprives them of a future. So far, Niger has been able to counter these attempts.
These relative successes are explained in particular by the importance that the Nigerien authorities attach to security issues. They allocate a very large part of the national budget to them. The Nigerien authorities have allocated significant funds to strengthen the army and police. This assessment is made taking into account the available opportunities in Niger. Niger is one of the poorest countries in the world (in last place according to the human development index in the ranking of the United Nations Development Program – UNDP) and it is very difficult to combine efforts in favor of security with the policy of initiating a development process.
The Nigerian authorities are very active in regional cooperation (in particular with Nigeria and Cameroon against Boko Haram) and very willingly accept on their territory foreign forces provided by Western countries (France, USA, Germany, Italy).
Moreover, the authorities in Niger, just as they were able to take measures that largely quelled the Tuareg problem, more successfully than their Malian counterparts, also showed greater attention to the Fulani issue than they do in Mali.
However, Niger could not completely avoid the contagion of terror coming from neighboring countries. The country is regularly the target of terrorist attacks, carried out both in the southeast, in the border regions with Nigeria, and in the west, in the regions near Mali. These are attacks from the outside – operations led by Boko Haram in the southeast and operations coming from the Ménaka region in the west, which is a “privileged breeding ground” for the Tuareg insurgency in Mali.
Attackers from Mali are often Fulani. They do not have the same power as Boko Haram, but it is even more difficult to prevent their attacks because the porosity of the border is high. Many of the Fulani involved in the attacks are Nigerien or of Nigerien descent – many Fulani migratory herders were forced to leave Niger and settle in neighboring Mali when irrigated land development in the Tillaberi region reduced their grazing land in the 1990s. [38]
Since then, they have been involved in the conflicts between the Malian Fulani and the Tuareg (Imahad and Dausaki). Since the last Tuareg uprising in Mali, the balance of power between the two groups has shifted. By then, the Tuareg, who had already rebelled several times since 1963, already had many weapons at their disposal.
The Fulani of Niger were “militarized” when the Ganda Izo militia was formed in 2009. (The creation of this armed militia was the result of the ongoing split in a historically older militia – “Ganda Koi”, with which “Ganda Izo” is basically in a tactical alliance. Since “Ganda Izo” aimed to fighting the Tuareg, the Fulani people joined it (both Malian Fulani and Niger Fulani), after which many of them were integrated into MOJWA (Movement for Oneness and Jihad in West Africa – Movement for Unity (monotheism) and jihad in West Africa) and then in ISGS (Islamic State in the Great Sahara). [38]
The balance of power between the Tuareg and Dausaki, on the one hand, and the Fulani, on the other, is changing accordingly, and by 2019 it is already much more balanced. As a result, new clashes occur, often leading to the death of dozens of people on both sides. In these skirmishes, international counter-terrorist forces (particularly during Operation Barhan) in some cases created ad hoc alliances with the Tuareg and Dausak (particularly with the MSA), who, following the conclusion of the peace agreement with the Malian government, engaged in the fight against terrorism.
The Fulani of Guinea
Guinea with its capital Conakry is the only country where the Fulani are the largest ethnic group, but not the majority – they are about 38% of the population. Although they originate from Central Guinea, the central part of the country that includes cities such as Mamu, Pita, Labe and Gaual, they are present in every other region where they have migrated in search of better living conditions.
The region is not affected by jihadism and the Fulani are not and have not been particularly involved in violent clashes, except for traditional conflicts between migratory herders and settled people.
In Guinea, the Fulani control most of the country’s economic power and largely the intellectual and religious forces. They are the most educated. They become literate very early, first in Arabic and then in French through the French schools. Imams, teachers of the Holy Qur’an, senior officials from the interior of the country and from the diaspora are in their majority Fulani. [38]
However, we can wonder about the future as the Fulani have always been victims of [political] discrimination since independence to be kept away from political power. The other ethnic groups feel encroached upon by these traditional nomads who come to tear up their best lands to build the most prosperous businesses and the glitziest residential neighborhoods. According to the other ethnic groups in Guinea, if the Fulani come to power, they will have all the power and given the mentality attributed to them, they will be able to keep it and keep it forever. This perception was reinforced by the fiercely hostile speech of Guinea’s first president, Sekou Toure, against the Fulani community.
From the earliest days of the independence struggle in 1958, Sekou Toure who is from the Malinke people and his supporters have been facing the Fulani of Bari Diawandu. After coming to power, Sekou Toure assigned all important positions to people from the Malinke people. The exposure of alleged Fulani conspiracies in 1960 and especially in 1976 provided him with a pretext for the elimination of important Fulani figures (notably in 1976, Telly Diallo, who was the first Secretary-General of the Organization of African Unity, a highly respected and prominent figure, is imprisoned and deprived of food until he dies in his dungeon). This alleged plot was an opportunity for Sekou Toure to deliver three speeches denouncing the Fulani with extreme malice, calling them “traitors” who “only think of money…”. [38]
In the first democratic elections in 2010, Fulani candidate Cellou Dalein Diallo came out on top in the first round, but all ethnic groups joined forces in the second round to prevent him from becoming president, handing power to Alpha Conde , whose origin is from the Malinke people.
This situation is increasingly unfavorable to the Fulani people and generates frustration and disappointment which the recent democratization (2010 elections) has allowed to be publicly expressed.
The next presidential election in 2020, in which Alpha Condé will not be able to run for re-election (the constitution prohibits a president from serving more than two terms), will be an important deadline for the development of relations between the Fulani and other ethnic communities in Guinea.
Some interim conclusions:
It would be extremely tendentious to speak of any pronounced propensity among the Fulani for “jihadism”, much less of such a propensity that was induced by the history of the former theocratic empires of this ethnic group.
When analyzing the risk of the Fulani siding with radical Islamists, the complexity of Fulani society is often overlooked. So far, we have not gone into the depth of the social structure of the Fulani, but in Mali, for example, it is very complex and hierarchical. It is logical to expect that the interests of the constituent parts of Fulani society may differ and become the cause of conflicting behavior or even division within the community.
As for central Mali, the tendency to challenge the established order, which is said to drive many Fulani to join the jihadist ranks, is sometimes the result of young people in the community acting against the will of the more the adults. Likewise, young Fulani people have sometimes tried to take advantage of municipal elections, which, as explained, have often been seen as an opportunity to produce leaders who are not traditional notables) – these young people sometimes consider more the adults as participants in these traditional “notabilities”. This creates opportunities for internal conflicts – including armed conflicts – between people of the Fulani people. [38]
There is no doubt that the Fulani are predisposed to ally themselves with opponents of the established order – something fundamentally inherent to nomads. Furthermore, in consequence of their geographical dispersion, they are doomed to always remain in the minority and subsequently to be unable to influence decisively the fate of the countries in which they live, even when exceptionally they seem to have such an opportunity and believe that it is legitimate, as is the case in Guinea.
The subjective perceptions arising from this state of affairs fuel the opportunism that the Fulani have learned to cultivate when they are in trouble – when they are faced with detractors who see them as threatening foreign bodies while they themselves live as victims, discriminated against and doomed of marginalization.
Part three follows
Sources used:
The complete list of the literature used in the first and the current second part of the analysis is given at the end of the first part of the analysis published under the title “Sahel – conflicts, coups and migration bombs”. Only those sources cited in the second part of the analysis – “The Fulani and “Jihadism” in West Africa” are given here.
[2] Dechev, Teodor Danailov, “Double bottom” or “schizophrenic bifurcation”? The interaction between ethno-nationalist and religious-extremist motives in the activities of some terrorist groups, Sp. Politics and Security; Year I; no. 2; 2017; pp. 34 – 51, ISSN 2535-0358(in Bulgarian).
[14] Cline, Lawrence E., Jihadist Movements in the Sahel: Rise of the Fulani?, March 2021, Terrorism and Political Violence, 35 (1), pp. 1-17
[38] Sangare, Boukary, Fulani people and Jihadism in Sahel and West African countries, February 8, 2019, Observatoire of Arab-Muslim World and Sahel, The Fondation pour la recherche stratégique (FRS)
[39] The Soufan Center Special Report, Wagner Group: The Evolution of a Private Army, Jason Blazakis, Colin P. Clarke, Naureen Chowdhury Fink, Sean Steinberg, The Soufan Center, June 2023
[42] Waicanjo, Charles, Transnational Herder-Farmer Conflicts and Social Instability in the Sahel, May 21, 2020, African Liberty.
Photo by Kureng Workx: https://www.pexels.com/photo/a-man-in-red-traditional-clothing-taking-photo-of-a-man-13033077/
