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Corruption scandal: MEPs insist on reforms for transparency and accountability

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Parliament has reacted to recent allegations with immediate changes and demands for measures to close loopholes in existing transparency rules.

Following Tuesday’s debate, Parliament has adopted a resolution on the suspicions of corruption by Qatar and the broader need for more transparency in the EU institutions, with 541 votes in favour, two against, and three abstentions.

MEPs are appalled by the recent allegations that MEPs, former MEPs and EP staff are involved in corruption, money laundering and participation in a criminal organisation, and support the full cooperation of the House with the ongoing investigation, noting that internal systems failed to prevent corruption. They also denounce the alleged corruption attempts by Qatar, which would constitute serious foreign interference in European democracy.

Immediate suspension of all legislative work related to Qatar

As an immediate measure, MEPs have decided to suspend all work on legislative files relating to Qatar, particularly concerning visa liberalisation and the EU aviation agreement with Qatar, as well as planned visits, until things become clearer. They also ask that security passes for representatives of Qatari interests be suspended until the judicial investigations provide clarity.

Reforming Parliament’s rules

The House is concerned about potential conflicts of interest caused by “side jobs”, especially where some MEPs serve as managers, on the board of directors or on advisory boards of, or as consultants to banks, multinational companies or publicly traded companies. MEPs support a system of asset declarations, at the beginning and end of each mandate. These declarations could be accessible only to relevant authorities and would be checked if there are substantiated allegations.

They also commit to ensuring full transparency regarding their additional income and to prohibit any external financing of MEP and political groups’ staff. Parliament will seek to establish an EU-level ban on donations from third countries to MEPs and political parties and asks the Commission to prepare a proposal to this end. A “cooling-off period” should be introduced for the end of an MEP’s mandate, to tackle the “revolving doors” phenomenon, MEPs say.

MEPs want to make the EU Transparency Register mandatory, extend its scope to representatives of third countries and former MEPs, and strengthen it so that it can be used to verify information more thoroughly. To help address other related issues, they also seek to set up an inquiry committee following the outcome of investigations and trials, to look into cases of corruption and improper actions by third countries, and a special committee to find flaws in Parliament’s framework and make proposals for reforms. Moreover, an EP Vice-President should be tasked with verifying integrity, and fighting corruption and foreign interference.

Recognising that parliamentary friendship groups must be properly regulated and monitored if they are to continue to exist, MEPs instruct the Quaestors to implement existing rules and put together an accessible, up-to-date register. They also call for information on “legislative footprints” to be disclosed for proposed texts and amendments.

Working with other EU institutions and agencies

Parliament urges the Commission to finally come forward with a proposal to set up the Independent Ethics Body that Parliament proposed in September 2021, and recommends improvements to the EU staff regulation in order to align it with the Whistleblowers Directive, which it will implement internally anyway. It also emphasises the role of the European Public Prosecutor’s Office, Eurojust, Europol and the EU’s anti-fraud agency OLAF, and calls for the capacities and cooperation of EPPO and OLAF to be bolstered further, as well as for common anti-corruption rules for members and staff of EU bodies.

The importance of the Western Balkans for the EU during a war in Europe

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grayscale photo of building

The prospect of accession is important because of Putin and China.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has finally awakened the European Union to the strategic importance of the Western Balkans and the potential for Moscow to use unresolved disputes in the region to undermine the West.

EU leaders must now seize the geopolitical moment to change the integration of the six small, economically unstable countries with a combined population of less than 18 million into the Union, or risk seeing them used by Russia and China in their power games. writes Paul Taylor for Politico.

Despite deep disappointment at the snail’s pace of progress since the EU formally gave them the prospect of membership in 2003, joining the Union remains the best possible outcome for Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia, as and for the rest of Europe.

If the EU continues to keep them at bay, the alternatives could be closer rapprochement with Russia, the emergence of an illiberal, non-aligned zone that could stretch from Hungary to Turkey, or – even worse – a downward spiral towards a new armed conflict involving a toxic mix of organized crime and armed migration.

In some Western European capitals, particularly Paris and The Hague, where EU enlargement fatigue is strongest, there is a complacent assumption that the status quo is manageable and poses no serious risk to European security. Certainly people in the Western Balkans are war-weary after the horrors of the 1990s.

The situation may appear under control, but it is unsustainable indefinitely. There is no guarantee that the unresolved conflicts in Bosnia or between Serbia and Kosovo will remain frozen with small outbreaks, or that localized political violence will not escalate, attracting outside players and fueling new flows of refugees, weapons and drugs to the EU. The recent skirmishes over the number plates of Kosovo Serb cars show how a small spark can ignite dry grass.

Russian President Vladimir Putin’s attack on Ukraine has angered many in the region, fueling ultra-nationalism among hardline pro-Russian Serbs and bringing back painful memories of death and destruction among those who lived through the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s.

Moscow is trying to inflame Pan-Slavic Orthodox nationalism and exploit the division wherever it can. Backs Bosnian Serb leader Milorad Dodik in his threats to secede from Bosnia and spreads disinformation to fuel Kosovo Serb hostility to the government in Pristina.

For its part, China is primarily seeking economic investment, using the 14+1 framework under the Belt and Road Initiative to engage with local leaders seeking ambitious infrastructure and defense projects. In the UN Security Council, he followed Russia’s lead in the Western Balkans and used his financial power to dissuade Balkan states from supporting resolutions critical of human rights abuses in Xinjiang or Hong Kong.

Serbian pro-government media are feeding the Russian narrative of the war in Ukraine, and Russian-owned media are contributing to the war hysteria against Kosovo. Russia and China have contributed to the rearmament of Serbia. Moscow also has powerful energy leverage, as Serbia gets 80% of its gas from Russia, while Bosnia is 100% dependent. Partly as a result, Serbia has refused to join EU sanctions against Russia, causing irritation in Brussels.

The EU has more powerful long-term leverage if it wants to use them, given the widespread public desire to join the bloc across the region, except for Serbia. However, France and the Netherlands have since resisted further expansion, mainly due to fears of migration and organized crime.

Neighboring EU member states Greece and Bulgaria have long blocked the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’s bid for EU and NATO membership, demanding that it change its name and accept Sofia’s narrative of its own history and the Bulgarian minority.

Even after it agreed in 2018 to change its name to North Macedonia, France vetoed the opening of negotiations with Skopje and Albania to demand reform of the accession process to include the principle of reversibility in cases where retreat. Talks finally began in July this year, but North Macedonia is still required to change its constitution next year to incorporate the terms agreed with Bulgaria, a potential political pitfall as the government does not have a supermajority.

When EU leaders rushed to grant Ukraine and Moldova candidate status in June in response to Russian aggression, Western Balkan elites understandably feared their countries were being pushed further back in the membership queue. Similarly, when German Chancellor Olaf Scholz demanded that the EU reform its decision-making system so that national vetoes on sanctions and tax policy are removed before new members are admitted, it sounded like an even longer wait.

So what should the EU do now?

Primo, more visible political engagement.

This year, the EU began to pay more attention to this long-neglected region. Two high-level meetings between the EU and the Western Balkans were held – one of them for the first time in the region – as well as a revival of the Berlin Process to support regional economic integration in preparation for joining the EU single market. Leaders from the Western Balkans attended the inaugural summit of the new European political community in Prague in October, dreamed up by French President Emmanuel Macron.

This commitment must continue.

Secundo, to accelerate benefits and participation in the accession process.

The EU needs to overhaul its cumbersome accession process to distribute more of the financial and market access benefits of membership up front as applicants move forward with reforms. They currently receive only a small proportion of pre-accession aid until the time of their accession.

The EU should invite ministers from the region to attend informal Council meetings on matters of common interest. It should encourage Western Balkan countries to elect observers to the European Parliament at the same time as the 2024 European elections, so that they have a say, if not a voice, in EU law-making.

Of course, the main work has to be done in the candidate countries, most of which fall far short of the basic conditions of democracy, rule of law, freedom of expression and the fight against corruption in order to apply for membership.

As always, it’s a chicken and egg problem. Why should Balkan politicians make painful reforms that could weaken their power and money for such a distant and uncertain prospect? The EU will need to work harder from below, supporting civil society, women’s organizations and small businesses as drivers of change, while offering incentives and applying pressure from above.

At this geopolitical moment, the EU simply cannot afford to let the region erode.

Photo by Michael Erhardsson:

Foreign language lecturers demand an end to discrimination in Italian Universities

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Foreign language lecturers demand an end to discrimination in Italian Universities

Foreign language lecturers(Lettori) from universities all over Italy gathered in Rome last Tuesday to protest against the discriminatory working conditions to which they have been subjected for decades. The protest was staged outside the offices of the minister with competence in the case, Minister for Higher Education and Research, Anna Maria Bernini.

Undaunted by heavy and persistent rainfall, the Lettori, in the rota and in their mother tongues, called on Minister Bernini to put an end to discrimination against non-national teachers in the universities. Placards and banners in all the languages of the Union referenced the sentences of the Court of Justice of the European Union(CJEU) in favour of the Lettori, sentences that Italy has never implemented.

In September 2021 the European Commission opened infringement proceedings against Italy for its failure to implement the 2006 CJEU ruling in  Case C-119/04 , the last of 4 rulings in favour of the Lettori in a line of jurisprudence which dates back to the seminal Allué ruling of 1989.  Pilar Allué Day. a piece published in The European Times in May of this year recounts how Italy has managed to evade its obligations to the Lettori under each of these CJEU rulings from 1989 to the present.

Implementation of the 2006 ruling merely required the universities to pay settlements for the reconstruction of career from the date of first employment to the Lettori based on the minimum parameter of a part-time researcher or more favourable parameters won before Italian courts, as provided for under the terms of a March 2004 Italian law, a law which was approved by the CJEU.  In the immediate aftermath of the 2006 ruling, local courts routinely awarded Lettori such settlements.

But, in the most brazen of its attempts to evade the Lettori case law of the Court, Italy then enacted the Gelmini Law of 2010, a law which retrospectively interpreted its March 2004 law in a restrictive manner which placed limits on the reconstruction of career due to the Lettori, limits nowhere condoned in the 2006 ruling. Subsequently, a 2019 interministerial decree of byzantine administrative complexity similarly undervalued and circumscribed the settlements due under the Court sentence.

Asso.CEL.L, a subscription-free association formed at the “La Sapienza” University of Rome, Europe’s largest university, is a complainant in the Commission’s infringement proceedings against Italy. To prove the existence and persistence of an infringement the evidence supplied by complainants is of crucial importance. With the help of FLC CGIL, Italy’s largest trade union, Asso.CEL.L conducted a national census of the Lettori employed in or retired from Italian universities. University by the university the census documented to the Commission’s satisfaction the non-payment of the settlements due under the 2006 ruling.

The Lettori, who came to Italy to teach the language and culture of their countries in the universities, are nationals of almost all the member states of the EU. Many have by now retired without ever having worked under conditions of parity of treatment over the course of their careers. The pensions they receive based on the paltry and discriminatory salaries earned over their careers place them below the poverty line in their home countries. Retired Lettori turned out in force for Tuesday’s protest.

In a well-received address to his assembled colleagues, national FLC CGIL Lettori co-ordinator, John Gilbert, a lecturer at Università di Firenze, recalled the legal and legislative history of the Lettori and outlined the recent initiatives of his union on the Lettori’s behalf. These include the campaign which lobbied all of  Italy’s MEPs for their support and the letters from Secretary-General Sig. Francesco Sinopoli to Commissioner for Jobs and Social Rights, Nicholas Schmit, making the case for moving the infringement proceedings to the reasoned opinion stage. With this advocacy, FLC CGIL is in effect calling for the prosecution of the national government for its discriminatory treatment of non-nationals.

Placing the right to parity of treatment in the context of the overall rights of European citizens, the commission states that the right “is perhaps the most important right under community law and an essential element of European citizenship”. What should be an automatic right has been withheld from the Lettori for decades due to Italian intransigence.

That existing arrangements permit a state of affairs whereby Italy can ignore the Lettori rulings of the Court of Justice with impunity is a cause of concern for Irish MEP Clare Daly. Her parliamentary question to the Commission, co-signed by 7 other Irish MEPs, highlights the Treaty obligations that come with the benefits of membership of the EU.

The pertinent passage of the question is worth quoting verbatim:

Italian universities receive generous funding from the EU. Italy has received the biggest share of the Recovery Fund. Surely, the ethic of reciprocation demands that Italy obey the rule of law and implement the most recent CJEU ruling in favour of the lettori: case C‑119/04.”

While acknowledging the initiatives and support of the Commission, there was impatience among the Lettori present at the Tuesday protest over the slow pace of the infringement proceedings. In the press release of September 2021 announcing the opening of the proceedings, the Commission stated that “Italy now has two months to address the shortcomings identified by the Commission.” By now,  it has had an additional year over that deadline, a year in which no concrete progress has been made, a state of affairs which further prolongs the duration of discrimination first condemned in the seminal Allué ruling of 1989.

Given the ease of the solution, Italy’s long inaction and procrastination rankle with Lettori. As speaker after speaker at the Tuesday protest pointed out, all that is necessary to implement the ruling in Case C-119/04 is to identify the beneficiaries of the Allué jurisprudence and reconstruct their careers with reference to the salary scale of part-time researchers or the more favourable parameters awarded by the local Italian courts. In essence, it is a matter of simple arithmetic that an efficient organization could easily accomplish in a few weeks.

Kurt Rollin is Asso.CEL.L representative for the retired Lettori. His teaching career from 1982 to 2017 at “La Sapienza University”, Rome ran parallel to a period of ever-increasing integration within the EU. Yet, in common with his retired colleagues, his Treaty right to parity of treatment was withheld for all the years of his service.

At the protest outside the Ministry of Education in Rome, and echoing the sentiments of the Irish MEPs, Mr Rollin said: “In the interests of consistency with Treaty values, compliance with EU law should be an absolute pre-condition to member states receiving EU funding. It is wrong that a member state can withhold with impunity the Treaty right to parity of treatment. At this point, the Commission should immediately advance proceedings to the reasoned opinion stage”.

In infringement proceedings, exchanges between the Commission and member states in perceived breach of their Treaty obligations are protected by a procedural requirement of confidentiality. In response to recent letters from Asso.CEL.L and FLC Secretary-General  Sig. Francesco Sinopoli calling for the advance of proceedings to the reasoned opinion stage, the  Commission diplomatically replied that it would soon take a decision on the Lettori case.

Gwen Stefani will become a mother again at the age of 53

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Gwen Stefani will become a mother again at the age of 53
Stefani performing “Wind It Up” during The Sweet Escape Tour in 2007 at the Jones Beach Theatre in Wantagh, New York, United States / Public Domain

American singer Gwen Stefani and her husband Blake Shelton are expecting a child. The couple decided on an IVF procedure to give birth to another beautiful baby.

The celebrities themselves have not yet commented on the happy event. But insiders are happy to share details of the star couple’s personal life.

For example, an inside source told The International Business Times that 53-year-old Stephanie has already had several IVF procedures, but they have all been unsuccessful. Until now. The source claims that Gwen’s fourth pregnancy is a real miracle for the couple and hinted at the gender of the unborn baby.

“Gwen and Blake say it’s definitely a Christmas miracle that she’s finally pregnant. Shelton has already bought himself pink cowboy boots and a hat,” he revealed.

“She was hopeful after every attempt and disappointed when it didn’t work out. She was so desperate to have a child with Blake that she was falling into despair, which he had to deal with. He hated seeing Gwen like this,” the source added.

All this was “too emotionally exhausting”. Stephanie decided to give it another try and this time their prayers were answered. The timing couldn’t have been more perfect.

“Shelton is coming to the end of his tenure as a judge on ‘The Voice,’ and that means he’ll have more time to devote to their baby,” the insider said.

Gwen Stefani and Blake Shelton started dating in 2015. Six years later, they decided to legalize their relationship. The two are getting married in July 2021 at the singer’s ranch. The baby-to-be will be Shelton’s first child with Stefani.

The No Doubt singer already has three children from her previous marriage to musician Gavin Rossdale – sons Kingston James McGregor Rossdale, Zuma Nesta Rock Rossdale and Apollo Bowie Flynn Rossdale.

International Migrants Day: Why UNODC combats migrant smugglers

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International Migrants Day: Why UNODC combats migrant smugglers
© UN Network on Migration

International Migrants Day, Migrant smuggling is a global, organized crime that endangers the lives and safety of migrants. 

Violence, abuse and the risk of exploitation are widespread traits of this crime. Many migrants die of thirst in deserts, perish at sea, or suffocate in containers. 

Smugglers take advantage of people who are escaping poverty, natural disaster, conflict or persecution, or lack of employment and education opportunities, but do not have the options to migrate legally.  

“Irregular migrants are targeted by criminal organizations as easy sources of profit. Therefore, going after the money behind migrant smuggling is critical to fighting organized crime. The clandestine nature of smuggling practices endangers the lives of migrants,” explained John Brandolino, Director of Treaty Affairs for the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). 

A global migration study by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) shows that there were 281 million international migrants in the world in 2020, which equates to 3.6 per cent of the global population. 

Recent data regarding how many migrants are smuggled is not available, but UNODC found that a minimum of 2.5 million migrants were smuggled in 2016 through 30 of the world’s main smuggling routes. 

In November 2000 the UN adopted the Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air, which forms part of the UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime. 

The 151 countries that have ratified this treaty to date must ensure that migrant smuggling is criminalized and treat the smuggled migrants humanely, not viewing them as criminals. UNODC helps these countries by supporting transnational investigations into smuggling rings, and the tracing and seizure of the illicit proceeds of this crime.

As we approach International Migrants Day this Sunday, 18 December, UNODC has recorded several successful results of its action to effectively combat criminal networks involved in migrant smuggling. 

For example, UNODC has assisted states’ maritime law enforcement authorities in the Caribbean with strengthening their regional tactical and operational responses to migration, with a focus on search and rescue operations. This support is essential if we consider the number of operations and migrants that states are called on to respond to. 

By means of an example, as of November 2022, the Dominican Republic has conducted the search for and rescue of 558 migrants and the seizure of 39 boats engaged in migrant smuggling.  

Similarly, as of November 2022, Trinidad and Tobago has conducted 519 operations at sea leading to the search and rescue of 151 migrants. UNODC’s Global Maritime Crime Programme has developed regional standardized training on encounters with migrants’ vessels at sea and established a regional training center in Trinidad and Tobago to improve such operations in the Caribbean. Additionally, it has provided access to technology and equipment to support states detect and deter migrant flows at sea while promoting the safety of both boarding teams and migrants. 

In October 2022, UNODC and IOM established an interagency cooperation platform focusing on countering migrant smuggling under the UN Network on Migration. This platform also includes the UN High Commission for Refugees and three civil society organizations as members. 

On this day, UNODC’s commitment to protecting migrant lives and human rights by tackling the smuggling of migrants has been reaffirmed. As Brandolino notes, “UNODC promotes and supports the dismantling of organized criminal groups that endanger the lives of migrants and show disregard for basic human rights. Criminality can be prevented when migration is facilitated, rather than blocked.” 

This month will see the launch of a revised brief on migrant smuggling and human trafficking in the context of the conflict in Ukraine. UNODC Research, through its online UNODC Observatory on Smuggling of Migrants, produces regular data and research updates and analyses on key smuggling issues. 

Click here for more UNODC research on migrant smuggling and how to counter it, including the UNODC Study on Smuggling of Migrants, the first UNODC study on this important issue. 

EU Member States make progress in climate adaptation to boost resilience, EEA review finds

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EU Member States recognise the importance of adapting to impacts of heatwaves, droughts, floods, heavy precipitation and changing temperatures and of mainstreaming climate change adaptation to a wide range of affected areas like agriculture, or water and disaster risk management. These are key findings of a European Environment Agency (EEA) report published today which assesses the state of national adaptation actions in 2021.

Levels of investment and the financing of putting in place adaptation plans still vary across EU Member States, the EEA report ‘Advancing towards climate resilience‘ found. The assessment gives a snapshot of all EU Member States’ national adaptation actions for 2021, based on national reporting submitted to the European Commission (under the Governance of the Energy Union and Climate Action Regulation). Where possible, the report also compares adaptation measures with earlier information to describe progress over recent years. The report also includes some data from Türkiye, which is not an EU Member State but is a member of the EEA.

Progress on adaptation action 

National adaptation actions and overall institutional arrangements taking adaptation into account have been further developed and strengthened in many EU Member States to better steer adaptation policies across different levels of government and sectors. Ensuring climate change adaptation priorities are considered in a broad range of policies has also progressed. 

Many of the measures reported by EU Member States are about increasing capacity, specifically, activities that support awareness raising, capacity building and training, inclusion of climate change in education, and support adaptation at regional and local levels.

Adaptation is being increasingly financed but several issues remain, including how to measure adaptation finance, as most of these measures also support other economic, social and environmental objectives and are not always initiated for adaptation only. A few Member States have dedicated national adaptation funds for financing the implementation of national adaptation plans, the review found. 

Other key findings 

  • Legal requirements or political commitments to institutionalise periodic updating of climate risk assessments are in place in several Member States. However, their systematic, comprehensive and regular renewal is the exception rather than the rule. 

  • Most countries still rely on rather soft policies without legally-binding commitments, and on voluntary, informal, non‑hierarchical cooperation. More and more Member States are using national climate laws to have more stringent legal instruments available to enforce their adaptation objectives and strategies. 

  • The social justice aspects of adaptation are not yet integrated in all countries. However, these increasingly important aspects aim to address the uneven distribution of climate risks, which affect vulnerable groups the most. 

  • Effective, multi-level governance embodies a variety of networks and a set of collaborative mechanisms across subnational governments. Those networks and collaborations play an essential role in supporting local governments to develop and implement their local adaptation strategies and action plans.

  • Monitoring, reporting and evaluation are mainly used for the following three objectives: to gain a better understanding of policy implementation, to identify climate risks, and to measure the effectiveness of policies in reducing climate change impacts, risks and vulnerabilities.

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Most plastic consumption in Europe lacks direct policy targets and data

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