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UN Human Rights Council Statement

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UN Human Rights Council Statement

Mr. Secretary-General, High Commissioner Turk, President Bálek, fellow members of the United Nations Human Rights Council: we are marking 75 years since the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

At its heart is a simple, yet revolutionary, idea: human rights are universal. Or, as the drafters of the Declaration put it, human rights belong to, “all members of the human family.”  And these rights are indivisible, interdependent, and co-equal.

These principles were not shaped by any one country, region, or ideology. They were discussed, debated, and meticulously drafted by experts from countries big and small…North and South…centuries-old and newly independent. Each delegate brought to the collective enterprise ideas and perspectives that helped define the Declaration.

Charles Malik, the delegate from Lebanon, argued that human rights must be defined in terms of the individual – not the nation… or any other group.

Representing China, P.C. Chang suggested the entire framework should be built, in his words, “with a view to elevating the concept of man’s dignity.” And dignity is the first principle in the first line of the Declaration.

Hansa Mehta of India – one of three women delegates, together with Pakistan’s Begum Ikramullah and America’s Eleanor Roosevelt – insisted that rights be framed as belonging to all people, not just men.

Indeed, the fact that the Declaration was forged and agreed upon by people representing nations with such diverse backgrounds, histories, and political systems is what gave it such unimpeachable legitimacy and moral force.

That’s still true today, even as some try to cast the Declaration’s definition of human rights as reflecting the view of one region or ideology… or argue that different countries can have different conceptions of human rights…or try to put the sovereignty of states ahead of the human rights of individuals.

It’s the responsibility of this Council – and every UN Member State – to uphold the Declaration’s universal vision…and defend the human rights of everyone, everywhere.

That includes protecting the human rights of our most vulnerable populations, a central tenet of the Vienna Declaration that we adopted 30 years ago. That’s why the United States partnered with countries from around the world to renew the mandate for the UN’s Independent Expert on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity; and why we made a voluntary contribution to support the vital work of the Permanent Forum on People of African Descent in countering anti-Black discrimination – the only country to do so.

Upholding the Declaration’s vision also means continuing to advance economic, social, and cultural rights. The United States is committed to enabling people around the world to enjoy these rights. We invest more than any other country in the capacity of fellow Member States to provide health care and food security for their populations. And last year, we joined 160 fellow Member States in supporting a resolution that affirms the right to a clean, healthy, and sustainable environment.

Fulfilling the Declaration’s universal promise also means advancing human rights within our countries – something we have sought to do in the United States, especially over the past two years.

Since President Biden issued an open invitation in 2021 to all UN special procedures mandate holders, the United States has welcomed the Special Rapporteur on Minority Issues and the Independent Expert on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity. And just a few weeks ago, the Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms while Countering Terrorism made the first-ever visit by a UN mandate holder to the detention facility in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba.

We do this because we believe transparency and openness are not a threat to our sovereignty, but a way to make our government better at advancing the rights, needs, and aspirations of the people we serve. We see our ability to accept critical feedback, and to strive, always, to address enduring injustices and inequities, as a sign of strength – not weakness.

Holding ourselves to the same standards as we do every other government is particularly important at a time when human rights around the world are under assault, perhaps nowhere more than in Russia’s brutal war on Ukraine.

This Council has played a crucial role in shining a spotlight on Moscow’s horrific and ongoing abuses, including through the creation of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine. The COI’s first report in October concluded that Russia has committed war crimes and violations of international humanitarian law.

As long as Russia continues to wage its war, the COI should continue to document such abuses, providing an impartial record of what’s occurring, and a foundation for national and international efforts to hold perpetrators accountable.

Governments that commit atrocities abroad are also likely to violate the rights of people at home – and that’s exactly what Russia is doing. The Russian government now holds more than 500 political prisoners. In January, it shuttered the Moscow Helsinki Group – one of the last human rights organizations still allowed to operate in the country. The government’s systematic muzzling of independent voices in Russian civil society makes the work of the Special Rapporteur on human rights in the country even more important.

The Iranian regime is also once again cracking down on citizens demanding their human rights and fundamental freedoms. Since the killing of Mahsa Amini in September brought Iranians of all ages out into the streets, the regime has killed at least 500 people, and imprisoned tens of thousands more, many of whom have been tortured, according to human rights groups. In November, the Council came together to create an independent fact-finding mission to investigate Iran’s human rights violations; we must ensure the team can do its work.

We condemn the Taliban’s draconian repression of women and girls in Afghanistan, including barring them from universities and secondary schools. The Taliban’s recent edict prohibiting Afghan women from working for NGOs has closed off yet another pathway that should be open to them. And in a country where 29 million people depend on humanitarian aid for survival, the Taliban’s decision will significantly reduce the amount of food, medicine, and other life-saving assistance reaching vulnerable people. Especially women and girls.

We remain gravely concerned about the ongoing genocide and crimes against humanity that China is committing against Muslim Uyghurs and other members of minority groups in Xinjiang. The report issued last year by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights affirmed serious abuses perpetrated by the PRC in Xinjiang, including the large-scale arbitrary deprivation of liberty of members of Uyghur and other predominantly Muslim communities, and credible allegations of torture and sexual and gender-based violence.

Nearly a dozen years since launching its crackdown on Syrians demanding their human rights, the Assad regime continues to commit widespread abuses, which is why we urge Council members to renew the mandate of the country’s Commission of Inquiry, even as we surge humanitarian assistance to help those in Syria and Turkey impacted by the devastating earthquake.

On this Council, we have a responsibility to act in a way that’s true to the spirit of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, including treating every country equally. That’s why the United States continues to strongly oppose biased and disproportionate treatment of Israel, reflected in the Commission of Inquiry with no end date, and standing Agenda Item 7.

In the 75 years since the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted, there has rarely been a time when delivering on its commitments has been more urgent…or more consequential. To international peace and security. To development. To human dignity.

The vision the drafters set out 75 years ago is as clear today as it was then: All members of the human family are entitled to human rights. Let us continue to strive to make those words real – through the actions of the Human Rights Council, within our countries, and around the world.

Georgia’s New Defense Code Is Going to Discriminate Against Minority Religions

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Georgia’s New Defense Code Is Going to Discriminate Against Minority Religions

An interview with Prof. Dr. Archil Metreveli, Head of the Institute for Religious Freedom of the University of Georgia

Jan-Leonid Bornstein: We have heard from you about a new legislative initiative of the Government of Georgia concerning submitting a draft of the new Defense Code In December 2022. In case of adoption the submitted version of the Draft, the law in force, which exempts (defers) Ministers of any religion from compulsory military service, will be withdrawn. What risks do you see in this new initiative?

Archil Metreveli:  To be more precise, this is not even a “risk” but an “evident fact” that will be constituted if this legislative modification is adopted. Namely, initiated regulation will nullify the possibility for Ministers of minority religions, meaning all religions but the Georgian Orthodox Church, to beneficiate from the exemption for compulsory military service.

Jan-Leonid Bornstein: Could you elaborate so our readers can understand the challenges better?

Archil Metreveli:  Two norms of the Georgian legislation in force ensure the exemption of Ministers from compulsory military service. First, Article 4 of the Constitutional Agreement between the State of Georgia and the Apostle Autocephalous Orthodox Church of Georgia (exclusively the Ministers of the Orthodox Church of Georgia) and second, Article 30 of the Law of Georgia on Military Duty and Military Service (the Ministers of any religion, including the Orthodox Church of Georgia).

Article 71 of the submitted draft Defense Code, which is an alternative to Article 30 of the above-cited law in force, governing the deferment of conscription into Military Service, no longer includes the so-called Ministerial Exception. Hence, according to the new draft law, no Minister of any religion previously exempted from military service will no longer be able to have the privilege of Ministerial Exception. On the other hand, Article 4 of the Constitutional Agreement of Georgia, which exempts from military service exclusively the Ministers of the Orthodox Church of Georgia, remains in force.

It is significant that according to the Constitution of Georgia (Article 4) and the Law of Georgia on Normative Acts (Article 7) the Constitutional Agreement of Georgia takes hierarchical precedence over the Laws of Georgia and, in case of adoption, also over the Defense Code. Therefore, the Ministerial Exception (which will be withdrawn for the Ministers of all religions) will not by itself annul this privilege for to the Ministers of the Orthodox Church of Georgia as it remains to be granted by a hierarchically higher normative act – the Constitutional Agreement of Georgia.

JLB: I understand. Why do you think this legislation is proposed? How is it justified?

AM: The Explanatory Note of the submitted draft states that this modification intends to eliminate the legislative gap that allows “unscrupulous” and “false” religious organizations to help individuals avoid compulsory military service. The specified purpose corresponds to the practice set by the Church of Biblical Freedom – a religious association established by the political party Girchi. The Church of Biblical Freedom, as an instrument of the political protest of Girchi against compulsory military service, grants the status of “Minister” to those citizens who do not want to perform military duty. The practice of the Church of Biblical Freedom relies precisely on the law on Military Duty and Military Service in force.

JLB: Do you think it will have any further repercussions to the Georgian legislation or legislative practice?

AM: Yes, and it already has. The amendments also have been submitted to the Law on Georgia on Non-military, Alternative Labor Service. In particular, according to the draft amendment the ground for releasing a citizen from compulsory military service and performance of non-military, alternative labor service, along with conscientious objection, will also be the status of a “Minister”. According to the Georgian Authorities, this new “Privilege” will replace the withdrawn Ministerial Exception, as this new legal regulation will apply equally to the Ministers of all religions, including the Orthodox Church of Georgia. However, this interpretation is not honest, as the Constitutional Agreement of Georgia prohibits State from conscripting Orthodox Ministers into compulsory military service, thus, it will not be necessary to extend the “privilege” of non-military, alternative labor service to them. As a result, if the submitted draft is adopted, the Orthodox Ministers will be unconditionally exempted from compulsory military service, while the Ministers of all other religions will be subject to non-military, alternative labor service.

JLB: But is that privilege, meaning full exemption from compulsory military service, a fundamental right?

AM: Our concern relates to the fundamental Right to Equality and Non-Discrimination based on religion. Evidently, the exemption of a Minister from military service (as opposed to an exemption based on conscientious objection) is not a right protected by Freedom of Religion or Belief. This privilege has been granted to them considering the public importance of their status and by the political will of the State.

Nevertheless, the fundamental Right to Equality and Non-Discrimination based on religion implies that, when there is no objective reason for different treatment, the privileges granted by the State should be extended equally to any group or individual regardless of their religious identity or practice. The submitted regulation is obvious and blunt discrimination based on religion, as it doesn’t include any objective and sensible justification for the established different treatment.

JLB: In your opinion, what would be the proper approach of the state regarding this matter?

AM: Finding answers to such questions is not difficult. The modern experience of Freedom of Religion and Democracy clearly determines that the State should not relieve its burden at the expense of the Fundamental Rights and Freedoms of individuals or groups. Thus, if the Court would find that the Church of Biblical Freedom was actually abusing the Freedom of Religion or Belief, the State should eliminate exclusively the practice of destruction and not the Right to Equality and Non-Discrimination based on religion and belief, entirely.

JLB: Thank you

Newly announced prison terms in Belarus signal ‘ongoing repression’

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“The prison sentences delivered today in Belarus against four human rights defenders, including Nobel Peace Prize laureate Ales Bialiatski, are deeply troubling and indicative of the ongoing repression in the country,” said Ravina Shamdasani, spokesperson for the UN human rights office, OHCHR.

UN human rights chief Volker Türk has called for an end to the persecution of human rights defenders and of people expressing dissenting views, and for an end to arbitrary detention once and for all, she said.

Long prison terms

Authorities announced today that Mr. Bialiatski, chair of the Viasna Human Rights Center, received a 10-year prison sentence related to smuggling and extremism-related charges.

Three other Viasna members – Valiantsin Stefanovich, Uladzimir Labkovich, and Dzmitry Salauyou – were given sentences of nine, seven, and eight years respectively. Mr. Salauyou was tried in absentia.

“We remain deeply concerned that, as of today, some 1,458 people are reported to be in detention in Belarus on politically motivated charges,” she said.

Convicted for rights work

“The lack of independence of the judiciary and other violations of fair trial guarantees have resulted in human rights defenders in Belarus being criminally prosecuted, convicted, and sentenced for their legitimate human rights work,” she said.

This includes recent prison sentences meted out related to charges of extremism and high treason, she added.

On 17 February, 10 members of the workers movement Rabochy Rukh, were sentenced to between 12 and 15 years, and on 8 February, journalist Andrzej Poczobut, was sentenced to eight years in prison.

Improvements needed in assessing costs, benefits of climate change adaptation

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