Mateusz Morawiecki -- Kancelaria Premiera, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons
Warsaw, Poland – In a significant political maneuver, Poland’s former Prime Minister, Mateusz Morawiecki, is reportedly in contention for the leadership of the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) party, as published today by EURACTIV. This coveted role is currently held by Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni. The news, initially reported by Euractiv based on insights from Polish media, underscores the shifting dynamics within the European right-wing political landscape.
Earlier reports from the Polish magazine Wprost, as highlighted by Euractiv, suggested that Morawiecki might reach an agreement with Meloni to succeed her as ECR president. However, the latest updates from the Fakt tabloid, as reported by Euractiv, indicate that no definitive decision has been made. A source close to Morawiecki revealed to Fakt, “Negotiations are ongoing. The chances are 50/50. Nothing is settled yet.” The source also noted Meloni’s reluctance to relinquish her position, while the Polish side is actively working to persuade her.
As Euractiv pointed out, neither the ECR nor Morawiecki’s Law and Justice (PiS) party has responded to requests for comments, leaving the political community in anticipation.
Should Morawiecki secure the ECR presidency, it would mark a strategic victory for his party, bolstering its influence on the European right. This move follows PiS’s electoral defeat to a broad centre-left coalition led by former European Council President Donald Tusk (Civic Platform, EPP) last year. For Morawiecki, the ECR leadership could serve as a political refuge if he is not chosen as PiS’s candidate for the Polish presidential election next year.
With Euractiv noting President Andrzej Duda’s completion of his second term in 2025 and his constitutional bar from seeking re-election, PiS is scouting for a new candidate. Morawiecki is reportedly among the contenders, alongside other prominent figures such as MEPs Patryk Jaki and Tobiasz Bocheński, former defense minister Mariusz Błaszczak, and former education minister Przemysław Czarnek. Each potential candidate brings unique political strengths and challenges, with Bocheński emerging as a new favorite of PiS leader Jarosław Kaczyński, while Jaki, Błaszczak, and Czarnek remain polarizing yet popular among PiS supporters.
The announcement of PiS’s presidential candidate is expected at the party congress in September or early October. Meanwhile, the ruling coalition has yet to reveal its candidate, and Prime Minister Donald Tusk has publicly ruled out a presidential bid. Tusk, as highlighted by Euractiv, lost the 2005 presidential election to Lech Kaczyński, the late twin brother of PiS leader Jarosław Kaczyński, and remains a pivotal figure in Poland’s political arena.
As the political chessboard in Europe continues to evolve, Morawiecki’s potential ascension to the ECR presidency could redefine alliances and power dynamics, not only within Poland but across the broader European conservative movement. As reported by Euractiv, the coming months will be crucial in determining the future trajectory of both Morawiecki’s political career and the ECR’s leadership.
The Warsaw Human Dimension Conference, scheduled to take place from September 30 to October 11, 2024, at the Sofitel Victoria in Krakowska St., Warsaw, marks a significant event in the realm of international human rights and security. Organized by the 2024 OSCE Chairpersonship of Malta, in collaboration with the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), the conference will concentrate on evaluating the impact of current global events on regional rights and policies.
This 10-day conference offers a crucial platform to assess the progress of OSCE human dimension commitments. With a comprehensive agenda, the event facilitates a robust exchange among participants on democracy, rule of law, tolerance, non-discrimination, fundamental freedoms, and humanitarian matters.
The conference is set to welcome representatives from OSCE participating States, Partners for Co-operation, OSCE institutions, and affiliated organizations from the 57 participating nations. Those attending span the gamut from inter-governmental bodies to civil society activists—all encouraged to share insights and practices.
Attendance at the conference is complimentary, but participants are responsible for their travel and accommodation expenses. Notably, Polish consulates are expediting visa processes for attendees, underscoring Poland’s commitment to human rights discourse.
Online registration continues up until September 6, 2024. To ensure a seamless experience, potential attendees should ensure their details on the ODIHR platform are current. Assistance is available via user guides in English and Russian.
Side events will complement plenary sessions, allowing for focused discussions on pertinent issues. The language barrier is minimized with simultaneous interpretation in English and Russian, encouraging broader participation and discourse.
This annual assembly not only reinforces regional cooperation but also serves as a beacon for international dialogue on human rights, casting a spotlight on the enduring significance of such commitments in today’s world.
Insolvency Crisis – The recent insolvency declaration by the German holding company, FWU AG, has sent ripples across Europe, impacting thousands of policyholders in Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, and Spain. This move came alongside a suspension of payment filed by its Luxembourg subsidiary, FWU Life Insurance Lux S.A. (FWU Luxembourg), with the District Court of Luxembourg.
On July 19, 2024, FWU AG declared insolvency due to over-indebtedness to the Local Court of Munich. On the same date, FWU Luxembourg informed its national supervisory body, the Commissariat aux Assurances (CAA), of its inability to meet regulatory capital requirements. In response, the CAA decided to freeze the subsidiary’s assets and suspend outgoing payments to protect policyholders’ interests.
Shortly after, FWU Luxembourg sought a formal suspension of payments, an application accepted by the Luxembourg court on August 2, 2024. Maître Yann Baden was appointed as an administrator to oversee the company’s asset and liability management, with the suspension limited to a six-month period.
Meanwhile, in Austria, FWU Life Insurance Austria AG continues to operate under the Austrian Financial Market Authority (FMA) but has halted new business underwriting. Unlike its Luxembourg counterpart, FWU Austria is not in insolvency proceedings.
What This Means for Policyholders
European policyholders affected by FWU AG’s insolvency face significant uncertainty. To document guidance and coordinate cross-border responses, the European Insurance and Occupational Pensions Authority (EIOPA) stepped in. EIOPA, while not widely known by the general public, plays a crucial role in ensuring fair treatment and collaboration among national regulators. It provides a framework to protect policyholder interests during financial crises.
EIOPA advises affected policyholders to thoroughly read their insurance contracts and seek professional advice from insurers, intermediaries, or consumer associations. The appointed administrator is exploring solutions for FWU Luxembourg, potentially involving restructuring or liquidation.
Efforts in Supervision and Coordination
National regulatory bodies across Europe are working collaboratively to manage the impact of FWU’s situation. EIOPA’s role, though non-interventionist, facilitates effective cooperation between these authorities through supervision and information exchange. Regulatory bodies involved in this effort include:
Austria: Finanzmarktaufsicht (FMA)
Belgium: L’Autorité des services et marchés financiers (FSMA)
France: L’Autorité de contrôle prudentiel et de résolution (ACPR)
Germany: Bundesanstalt für Finanzdienstleistungsaufsicht (BaFin)
Italy: Istituto per la vigilanza sulle assicurazioni (IVASS)
Luxembourg: Commissariat aux Assurances (CAA)
Spain: Dirección General de Seguros y Fondos de Pensiones (DGSFP)
EIOPA serves mainly as a coordinator, supporting national efforts and fostering fairness in how the policyholders are treated across various jurisdictions.
On 28 November 2023, just after 6 a.m., a SWAT team of around 175 policemen wearing black masks, helmets, and bullet proof vests, simultaneously descended on eight separate houses and apartments in and around Paris but also in Nice, brandishing semi-automatic rifles.
These searched places which were located in various pleasant and attractive environments for vacation were used by practitioners of yoga connected with MISA yoga schools in Romania for informal spiritual and meditation retreats. They included IT experts, engineers, designers, artists, medical doctors, psychologists, teachers, university and high school students, and so on.
On that fateful morning, most of them were still in bed and were awakened by the crash of doors being violently broken down, very loud noises and shouting.
The first objective of the operation was to arrest, interrogate, detain and indict people supposed to be involved in “trafficking in human beings”, “forcible confinement”, money laundering and “abuse of vulnerability” in organized gang.
The second goal was to rescue “their victims” and to obtain their declarations as elements of evidence but no woman interrogated in the framework of the SWAT operation on 28 November 2023 has ever filed any complaint against anybody.
The report of Human Rights Without Frontiers (HRWF) that follows is based on testimonies of over 20 Romanian yoga practitioners who happened to travel on their own accord and by their own means to various places used for yoga and meditation retreats in France where they were suddenly targeted by simultaneous police raids. They were put in police custody (garde à vue) for hearings and interrogations and released after two days and two nights or more without further ado.
The search warrant at the origin of the abuse of the police
Such a nationwide operation was launched on the basis of a search warrant reporting extremely serious suspicions: human trafficking from Romania, kidnapping, sexual and financial exploitation of these victims, abuse of vulnerability and money laundering. All this in an organized gang.
This was the backdrop to this police operation experienced by dozens of Romanian nationals.
Most of them did not speak the language of the country but had chosen to combine the pleasant with the useful in France: to practice yoga and meditation in villas or apartments kindly and freely put at their disposal by their owners or tenants who were mainly yoga practitioners of Romanian origin and to enjoy picturesque natural or other environments.
The allegations of the search warrant were perceived by all the actors involved in its execution as an authentic criminal case founded on a preliminary investigation. In their eyes, all that remained to be done was to document and close this case, after gathering evidence to be discovered on site, while at this stage the file was still empty. This prejudice, well established in people’s minds, would bias all procedures at all levels and disregard the presumption of innocence.
Intrusion by police forces with break-in
The massive special police intervention forces expected to find criminals and victims, poor young Romanian women exploited as prostitutes and their so-called protectors.
It was in this state of mind that the heavily armed intervention brigades acted like lightning, by surprise and with destructive violence in the places to be searched as if they were to expect strong resistance, even armed, of gangsters. There was no resistance from the people staying there. The owners or co-owners or official tenants of the premises were not present at the time of the raid, except Sorin Turc, a violinist who played with the Monaco orchestra.
The police forces violently broke down the entrance doors and the various bedroom doors while the people present were proposing them to use their keys. They searched everything, made a mess everywhere, confiscated their personal computers, their cell phones and even their cash.
The Romanian yoga practitioners, mostly women, were wondering what was happening, who these aggressors were and what they wanted. The explanations from the police were very brief and were not necessarily understood.
One person had 1200 EUR confiscated. A couple driving from Romania were left without cash after police took all of their holiday money – EUR 4,500. No receipts were given to the dispossessed people that HRWF interviewed.
A Romanian woman who knew some French testified to HRWF that she had heard agents say after taking around EUR 10,000 in cash from several people that they had “enough”. A connection may perhaps be made with statements made in the press by some investigating authorities saying they “discovered” large sums of cash in several homes that were searched. No doubt it was then to give the impression that the accusation of money laundering was credible in this affair of national proportions.
During the searches in the targeted villas and apartments, the guests had to remain in night clothes or were often not given the privacy required to change. Others were gathered outside in the cold morning wearing only scanty clothing.
In face of the disorder and the damage caused by the search and the psychological violence of the police, the reaction of the retreating residents was stupor, psychological shock, fear and even terror, lasting and indelible trauma for some.
The first task of the police force was to identify and “release victims”. Their second task was to collect their testimonies in order to arrest their exploiters.
Amazement of the law enforcement: the sites targeted by the raids were not clandestine and financially exploited places of prostitution. No one among the yoga practitioners, neither woman nor man, declared themselves to be victims of anything or by anyone. However, it mattered little to the police at this stage of the operation. The next phase would take place in the police stations after handcuffing the people to be transferred by bus.
The fabrication of victims against their will at all costs
Indeed, a controversial theory in human trafficking cases is that such “victims” refuse to be considered as such because of their psychological vulnerability and their habituation to their state of subjection. Some even talk about brainwashing and Stockholm syndrome. Hence this need to “convince” them, including through psychological pressure, that they were victims even if they do not always realize it. This psychological-judicial drift which leads to the fabrication of false victims is spreading more and more in democratic states of Europe and America.
In Argentina, a very similar case, even in its details, to that in France ultimately resulted in the innocence of a yoga group, its octogenarian founder and its leaders. They had been accused, arrested and imprisoned for months for alleged human trafficking, abuse of weakness, sexual exploitation and money laundering.
The manufacturing of victims against their will which was inspired by a certain controversial branch of feminism, the abolitionists, was at the origin of that drift. These activists who campaign for a total ban on the commodification of sexual services consider that all prostitutes are de facto victims, even if they are free-lance and declare it is their choice. In Argentina, lawyers, psychologists and magistrates have begun to successfully fight against this very worrying phenomenon of victim fabrication which is spreading in other contexts than prostitution.
Biased interrogations in police stations in inhumane detention conditions
Considering that the allegations mentioned in the search warrant would lead to a trial, the presumption of innocence was never present in the minds of the police officers in the police stations. Their only goal was to extract incriminating testimonies concerning other people. To this end, they did not hesitate to take advantage of the situation of distress and vulnerability of the alleged victims from whom they wanted to extract incriminating declarations against other people and they threatened them to extend their police custody beyond the legal 48 hours, which actually happened in several cases.
The interviewees clearly told HRWF that they were put under pressure to say things that were not true so that their statements could match the contents of the warrant and make it possible to prosecute other people.
Furthermore, their conditions of detention were truly inhumane and humiliating. They practically had to beg the officers to be able to go to the toilet, even in urgent cases, and it was at their discretion. They also had to beg for a small glass of water and only got some food on the second day of their detention. Not enough mattresses and blankets in collective cells. Lack of hygiene. No heating in November. This was the treatment reserved for people transferred with handcuffs to police stations although there was no allegation of illegal activities against them and they only had to testify.
Failing assistance from lawyers and interpreters
In many cases, the Romanian yoga practitioners were unable to count on the assistance of a lawyer during their interrogation. The reason given was that there had been too many arrests and not enough lawyers available. When they received the requested legal assistance, they wrongly believed, due to not having been correctly informed, that it was to defend them but in fact their mission was only to monitor the legality of their interrogation.
Often, they had the clear impression that their counsels were more on the side of the police when they told them they were involved in a very serious criminal case, that their recourse to the right to silence would be interpreted negatively and could lead to prolonged custody or more.
The issue concerning the interpreters constitutes another weak point of the procedure. Many interviewees highlighted their incompetence and inability in accurately translating their responses to questions. The interpreters were also perceived as believing they were dealing with victims or criminals and as aligning themselves with the attitude of the police.
In addition, a number of yoga practitioners were not asked to check and sign the minutes of their interrogation; others were required to sign them although they were not translated to them or were just roughly and poorly translated verbally in Romanian. None of HRWF’s interviewees received a copy of the document.
However, this phase of the procedure is of crucial importance. If the minutes and their translation contain errors that cannot be rectified, this can have dramatic implications in trials and lead to serious injustices.
In some cases, a few people with sufficient knowledge of the French language have had biased reports corrected but what about all the others?
Upon their release from police custody, the interrogated persons were thrown onto the street, often in the evening, without telephone and without money even though they naively expected an apology…
Conclusions
In short, this is the situation experienced by dozens of ordinary Romanian nationals who were neither actors nor victims of human trafficking or kidnapping, who had not been involved in money laundering or criminal organization.
On the other hand, they were the real “collateral” victims of excessive and disproportionate police action organized by the French judicial authorities. They had the misfortune of being in the wrong place at the wrong time.
These Romanian victims remain traumatized by this experience and prefer to delete it from their memory. HRWF thanks those who despite everything had the courage to bring up these painful memories for the purposes of its investigation.
Back home, these people who were arrested in France and summoned in handcuffs to be questioned in police stations were no longer contacted by the French authorities. They believe that French justice will never spontaneously return the money and equipment that was stolen from them. They should be entitled to file a complaint as victims of French justice in order to recover their property but they prefer to forget this traumatic experience and turn the page.
This HRWF investigation highlights serious procedural flaws, illegal fabrication of victims for the purposes of prosecuting others, biased interrogation methods, inhumane treatment and serious dysfunctions of the judiciary and police in France in the context of police custody of citizens from other EU member states and beyond.
The directive affects people located in parts of eastern and central Khan Younis as well as the Al Salqa area of Deir Al-Balah.
Initial estimates indicate that more than 15,500 people had been living in those areas, which comprise more than 30 neighbourhoods, according to UN partners monitoring population movements in Gaza.
“Once again, we call for all parties to the conflict to respect their obligations under international humanitarian law, including by taking constant care to spare civilians and civilian objects,” said UN deputy spokesperson Farhan Haq, speaking at a press briefing in New York.
“This includes allowing civilians to leave for safer areas and allowing their return as soon as circumstances allow,” he added, saying “people must be able to receive humanitarian assistance, whether they move or stay.”
Water and sewage constraints
Meanwhile, the UN humanitarian affairs office, OCHA, said Palestinians continue to be exposed to major health risks due to constraints on water production and sewage pumping in Gaza.
Efforts to scale up water, sanitation and hygiene are hampered by a lack of generators and alternative energy sources as well as shortages of spare parts to operate existing generators.
Lack of fuel is also a major challenge, OCHA said. Late last month, humanitarian partners working to support water, sanitation and hygiene services reported that they received just over 75,000 litres of fuel.
While this represents a nearly 30 per cent increase compared to June, it was still just 70 per cent of the minimum operational threshold.
Food distribution disrupted
The World Food Programme (WFP) warned that ongoing hostilities, damaged roads and the lack of public order and safety have severely hampered food transport operations in Gaza, thus forcing rations to be reduced.
WFP urgently needs fuel deliveries, increased flow of food supplies and greater capacity to deliver hot meals, particularly in Gaza City and north Gaza.
The UN agency reached around one million people in Gaza in July, but stressed that food distribution points continue to face major disruptions due to conflict, evacuation orders and damage to infrastructure.
WFP further warned that it will not be able to bring in the quantity of food required this month unless more border crossing points into Gaza open and aid workers are able to reach people safely and at scale.
West Bank and the Blue Line
Turning to the West Bank, WFP estimated that the escalation of violence there could push the number of people facing food insecurity to at least 600,000, up from some 352,000 at the start of last year.
In other developments from the region, the UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) said 10 months of continuing exchanges of fire across the Blue Line with Israel have left many civilians on both sides displaced, injured and killed.
UNIFIL continues to support displaced people in its area of operations, including providing free medical and dental care to 4,766 patients.
The UN has urged all parties to return to a cessation of hostilities and recommit to Security Council resolution 1701.
Adopted in August 2006, resolution 1701 aimed at ending the war that year between Israel and Hezbollah. It calls for an end to hostilities, the withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanon and the establishment of a demilitarized zone.
De-escalation efforts continue
Later, in response to a reporter’s question, Mr. Haq said UN efforts toward reducing escalating tensions in the Middle East are ongoing.
He said key UN officials in the region, including Middle East envoy Tor Wennesland, Special Coordinator for Lebanon Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert, and the UNIFIL Head of Mission and Force Commander Lt. Gen. Aroldo Lázaro “continue to be in touch with various parties, trying to do what can be done to de-escalate.”
Religious minorities in Hungary, particularly the Church of Scientology, have faced increasing discrimination and legal challenges in recent years, according to multiple reports and statements from international human rights bodies.
In 2017, Hungarian authorities conducted sweeping raids on Scientology churches and missions across the country. As reported by specialized religious freedom magazine BitterWinter in March 2023,
“An all-out dawn raid happened on 18 and 19 October 2017 at all Hungarian Scientology Churches and Missions.”
The raids were part of a criminal investigation accusing Scientology leaders of tax fraud for claiming their core practices as religious activities exempt from VAT.
However, religious scholars have argued that Scientology’s practices of “auditing” and training are indeed religious in nature. As American scholar Donald Westbrook stated, these are part of a
“step-by-step soteriological map intended to take an individual to higher states of awareness and ability.”
And also the Internal Revenue Service in the United States fully reviewed all the practices and granted tax exemption to all US Churches in 1993, as it has been done in Sweden, Spain, Netherlands, Portugal, SouthAfrica and many others, based on the same facts that Hungary has used.
The targeting of Scientology appears to be part of a broader pattern of discrimination against non-traditional religions in Hungary. In a 2018 letter to the Hungarian government, the then UN Special Rapporteurs on FoRB, Minority Issues and the one on Privacy, expressed concern about
“discriminatory measures against the Church of Scientology on the basis of religious belief.”
The UN experts noted that Hungarian authorities had repeatedly denied Scientology the Certificate of Occupancy for its headquarters in Budapest and launched criminal investigations leading to
“the seizure of several documents including of a private nature and to restrictions on places of worship.”
Massimo Introvigne, one of the most renown worldwide European experts and sociologist of religion, and who served as the “Representative on combating racism, xenophobia and discrimination, with a special focus on discrimination against Christians and members of other religions” of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), argues that Hungary’s actions reflect an exported Russian approach of using accusations of “extremism” against minority religions. He writes that
“the concomitancy of the actions based on data protection, taxes, and electrical issues is not a coincidence. It is an expression of the publicly stated official hostility to Scientology.”
Hungary Accused of Religious Discrimination Against Church of Scientology
In 2011, Hungary passed a controversial new Religion Law that stripped legal recognition from hundreds of previously registered religious groups, including the Church of Scientology. This law has been criticized by the European Court of Human Rights and Hungary’s own Constitutional Court for violating religious freedom rights.
Since then, the government has taken several actions specifically targeting Scientology:
Denying Occupancy for Main Place of Worship
The government has repeatedly denied a Certificate of Occupancy for the Church’s headquarters in Budapest, despite inspections finding the building safe to occupy. This has left the Church facing potential sanctions for using its main place of worship.
According to a letter sent by the aforementioned UN Special Rapporteurs to the Hungarian government on August 30, 2018:
“The Church appealed the decision to the Administrative and Labour Court of Budapest. On 12 September 2017, the Court remanded the case to the second instance to be considered again within 21 days, taking into account all the evidence that was previously neglected, which reportedly proves that the building is safe and ready to be used. The procedure started in December 2017, however, it has not been completed to the present date.”
To this date this issue is not resolved and they continue to deny the occupancy certificate creating a situation of constant uncertainty about how long will they be able to operate in their place of worship.
Seizing Confidential Religious Files: “serious impediments to religious freedom” UN says
Hungarian authorities have used data protection laws to seize confidential religious files, including “preclear folders” containing private communications between Scientologists and their ministers.
In the UN Special Rapporteurs’ letter to Hungary, from August 2018 it can be read:
“On 7 December 2016, the Data Protection Authority launched a data protection investigation of the Church of Scientology and, to this end, seized various documents from its offices in Budapest and Nyiregyhaza, including ‘preclear folders’ that contain confidential communications between penitents and their minister.”
According to human rights attorney Patricia Duval, writing in The Journal of CESNUR,
“Hungary is currently the only country in the world that has seized and refuses to return such folders consisting of sacred and confidential pastor-penitent communications.”
The government has launched criminal investigations into alleged data protection violations and tax evasion by the Church, leading to multiple police raids on Scientology properties.
The UN inquisitive letter to Hungary describes one such raid:
“On 18 October 2017 at 7.30 a.m., around 60 agents of the National Bureau of Investigation raided the Church of Scientology headquarters in Budapest, seized documents and sealed the building. On the next day at 7.00 a.m., the criminal section of the tax office executed search warrants and seized documents from the Church’s offices in Budapest and 15 other locations with the purpose of investigating possible financial crimes. In addition, the authorities froze the Church’s bank accounts and placed a lien on the Budapest headquarters.”
A Hungarian court later ruled that this raid was disproportionate and illegal, according to Duval’s article published by the Journal of CESNUR on march-april 2018.
Government Statements and Criticism
Hungarian officials have made public statements declaring their intention to restrict Scientology activities. Religious scholar Massimo Introvigne, in a paper presented at a University of Eastern Finland conference, quoted Deputy Prime Minister Zsolt Semjén as stating in 2011:
“As long as I am in the government, Scientology won’t be recognized as a religion.”
These actions have drawn strong criticism from international bodies. The UN Special Rapporteurs expressed
“serious concern that the criminal investigations carried out against the Church of Scientology, which led to the seizure of several documents including of a private nature and to restrictions on places of worship, may be incompatible with international human rights standards.”
They further stated that
“Such acts constitute serious impediments to religious freedom and to the fulfilment of the rights and freedoms of religious minorities as enshrined in the applicable international human rights standards that Hungary has committed to.”
The Church of Scientology maintains it is being unfairly targeted for religious discrimination. The situation highlights ongoing concerns about Hungary’s treatment of minority faiths under its 2011 Religion Law, which has been criticized by international bodies but remains in force.
Critics argue that these actions violate principles of religious freedom and state neutrality towards religion. The case of Scientology in Hungary raises broader questions about the protection of minority religious rights in the country and the use of administrative and legal measures to restrict unpopular religious groups.
The UN Special Rapporteurs urged Hungary to ensure its actions are “compatible with international human rights standards, particularly regarding the right to freedom of religion or belief and the right to privacy.” They called on the government to provide “detailed and updated information on the concrete measures undertaken by the Government of Hungary to ensure protection and promotion of religious freedom and of the human rights of religious minorities in the country.“
As the legal battles continue, human rights advocates argue that Hungary is using tax and privacy laws plus other measures to discriminate against Scientology specifically and also against other minority faiths in violation of international religious freedom principles. The ongoing situation highlights ongoing tensions between nationalist ideologies and protections for religious minorities in parts of Europe.
Special Rapporteur Ashwini K.P., said at the end of a 12-day fact finding mission, that members of marginalised racial and ethnic groups in Brazil – including those of African descent and from indigenous groups – are experiencing “pervasive manifestations of systemic racism, as legacies of colonialism and enslavement.”
This form of racism, she said, has persisted since the nation was formed despite consistent and brave activism from those being discriminated against.
Ms. K.P. commended the Brazilian Government for recognising that racial discrimination was a systemic issue and for enacting several strong laws and regulations to combat it.
However, “the lives of people of African descent, indigenous peoples, Quilombola and Roma persons, is far too often marked, in many cases irreparably, by endemic racialised violence and exclusion,” the expert said.
She noted rights violations toward the indigenous and Quilombola groups including police brutality, mass incarcerations, cultural and political exclusions and more.
“The severity of the situation demands utmost urgency. Bold and transformative action to dismantle systemic racism cannot wait,” Ms. K.P. said.
Justice and equality
The Special Rapporteur called on the Government to acknowledge, confront, and address the root causes, historical factors, and regional disparities that perpetuate racism and power imbalances.
She emphasised the need for a reparatory justice approach, noting that there are “significant gaps” in implementing laws and policies to effectively reduce racial injustice.
“Those from marginalised racial and ethnic backgrounds have already waited far too long for justice and equality,” Ms. K.P. said. “Lives depend on bolder and more immediate action.”
She is also calling on the Government to allocate more resources to anti-racial discrimination activities and increase the pace of change.
Special Rapporteurs are appointed by the Human Rights Council to serve in their individual capacity, independent of the UN system and national governments. They are not UN employees and do not receive a salary.
Many women treated for breast cancer using taxanes, a type of cytostatic drug, often experience side effects in the nervous system. Researchers at LiU have developed a tool that can predict the risk level for each individual. The tool could help doctors adapt treatment to avoid persistent side effects in those at the greatest risk.
Some people experience severe side effects from cancer treatment, while others manage it without major complications. Henrik Gréen’s research group wants to find ways to predict the risk of serious side effects. Image credit: Magnus Johansson/Linköping University
More and more people are becoming cancer survivors. But even if they have survived the disease, an increasing number still suffer from the side effects of cancer treatment. In a recent study from Linköping University, researchers studied the side effects of taxanes, a chemotherapy drug used to prevent breast cancer recurrence. The drawback of the treatment is that some patients suffer nerve damage as a side effect.
“Side effects in the form of nerve damage are very common after treatment with taxanes for breast cancer, and they often persist for several years. For those affected it is extremely stressful, and it has a major impact on quality of life. So it is a major clinical problem, which has received more attention in recent years, but there has been no way to know which individuals are at greatest risk of side effects”, says Kristina Engvall, who recently completed her PhD at Linköping University and is a doctor at the oncology clinic at Ryhov County Hospital in Jönköping.
The researchers began by carefully surveying side effects in patients treated for breast cancer with either docetaxel or paclitaxel, the two most common taxane drugs. Between two and six years had passed since treatment. 337 patients were asked to describe the severity of the nerve damage they experienced, or peripheral neuropathy as it is also called. Most common was cramps in the feet, which more than one in four patients had. Other side effects included difficulty opening a jar, numbness in feet, tingling in feet and difficulty climbing stairs.
The researchers sequenced the patients’ genes and then built models that link genetic characteristics to various side effects of the taxane treatment. This allows the models to predict the risk of nerve damage. This type of model, known as a prediction model, has not previously existed for taxane-induced peripheral neuropathy. The researchers succeeded in modeling the risk of persistent numbness and tingling in feet.
A growing patient group
The two models were able to separate the patients into two clinically relevant groups: one with a high risk of persistent side effects, and one that corresponded to the frequency of peripheral neuropathy in the normal population. The researchers used two-thirds of the data to train the models through machine learning. They were then able to use the remaining third of the patients to validate the models, which was found to work very well. Validating that the models also work in a different group is an important step.
“This is the first time a prediction model has been developed that can predict the risk of nerve damage from taxane treatment. Women who have been treated with taxanes after breast cancer surgery make up a very large group in healthcare worldwide, so this is a major and clinically relevant problem”, says Henrik Gréen, professor at Linköping University, who led the study published in the journal npj precision oncology.
Weigh benefit against risk
“This can be a tool to individualise treatment, and not only to look at the benefits, but also to look at the risks for the individual patient. Today we are so good at treating breast cancer that we need to focus more on the risk of complications and side effects that affect the patient long after treatment”, says Kristina Engvall.
In the long term, the prediction model could be adopted as routine in healthcare. But first, research is needed in order to find out whether the prediction model also works well in other population groups than the Swedish population.
“It also emerged that three of the five symptoms we focused on are so biologically complex that we could not model them. These include, for example, difficulty opening cans. Opening a can involves both motor and sensory nerves, which makes it very difficult to predict which individuals are at greatest risk of developing that symptom”, says Henrik Gréen.
The study was funded with support from, among others, the Swedish Cancer Society, ALF funding, the Medical Research Council of Southeast Sweden (FORSS), and Futurum in Region Jönköping.
Ylva Johansson. European Union, 2019
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In a landmark announcement, Commissioner for Home Affairs, Ylva Johansson, addressed the staff of eu-LISA, the European Union Agency for the Operational Management of Large-Scale IT Systems, regarding the impending deployment of the state-of-the-art Entry/Exit System. This cutting-edge digital border management system, scheduled to go live on November 10th, marks a significant advancement in European border security and travel facilitation.
“Thank you eu-LISA,” Commissioner Johansson began her speech, acknowledging the Herculean efforts invested by the agency over the past decade. The Entry/Exit System aims to streamline travel processes while enhancing the security framework that protects Europe. By enabling digital border controls at all entry points, this system promises to transform how Europe manages its borders.
The Commissioner highlighted the journey toward this innovative system, beginning with legislative groundwork laid ten years ago, leading to the technical development initiated six years previously. “Turning legal texts into a digital reality, connecting an entire continent – that is a massive undertaking,” she noted.
The Entry/Exit System will interlink with existing national and European systems, establishing full interoperability. When operational, it will replace the outdated practice of passport stamping with digital checks, significantly enhancing the efficiency of border crossings for non-EU travelers. According to Johansson, more than 700 million travelers to Europe annually will be affected by these changes, making the transition crucial for maintaining robust yet seamless cross-border movement.
Commissioner Johansson addressed potential challenges and setbacks encountered during the developmental phase. She praised eu-LISA staff for their resilience and dedication, even as the project faced delays. “There were setbacks. There were delays. But you didn’t give up,” she commended, acknowledging the sacrifices made, including missed holidays, to meet the project’s deadlines.
The new system will also bolster security measures by deploying biometric identification processes, using photos and fingerprints to prevent the use of fraudulent travel documents. This measure is expected to enhance safety for 450 million Europeans by deterring potential threats, including illegal migration and the misuse of fake passports.
Further steps toward integrating large-scale IT systems within the EU are on the horizon, as eu-LISA will also work on the European Travel Information and Authorisation System (ETIAS) set to launch in 2025, and updates to Eurodac, critical to the EU’s migration policy.
Ending her address, Johansson emphasized the significance of the upcoming November 10th launch date. “You designed this border management system. You built it and you will run it,” she asserted, instilling confidence in the agency’s leadership and capabilities. The day promises to be a milestone in Europe’s ongoing mission to enhance security while promoting ease of travel, cementing eu-LISA’s role as a cornerstone of Europe’s digital frontier.
In conclusion, Commissioner Johansson’s speech underscored the collaborative spirit and unwavering commitment behind the Entry/Exit System’s development, promising a new era of secure and efficient border management for Europe.
By Emmanuel Ande Ivorgba, PhD. Executive Director, Centre for Faith and Community Development (CFCD)
INTRODUCTION
The traditional concept of leadership is based on the notion that leaders are selected to command control and make final decisions for the collective group. However, through this viewpoint, leadership is viewed not only as an exercise of authority but also on the legal grounds. As societies become more complex, technical demands of the state grow, and decision authority becomes specialized. We are more naturally concerned with what leaders do with the job, and what they are and their behavior. In a country of high-rank public-private sector bureaucracy, leaders at different management hierarchical levels play a major role in shaping the direction of political life. They contribute to our understanding about the role of political leadership in policy formulation.
Nigeria, with its vast amount of natural resources, is currently undergoing rapid economic decline. There is a high incidence of poverty, escalating inflation, balance of payment problems, as well as heavy debt-servicing problems. The root cause of this economic problem stems from the pursuit of an inappropriate economic policy. The dominance of poor leadership in policy formulation in Nigeria can clearly be identified as the main source of the problems. Political leadership is pivotal and significant in shaping the economic landscape of any nation (Klarin, 2020). The quality of any nation’s political leadership can significantly determine or influence such nation’s overall economic development trajectory. Nigeria is blessed with a vibrant human population, abundance of natural resources. These resources, coupled with the great entrepreneurial spirit and resilience of the citizens, have positioned Nigeria as a potential continental economic powerhouse. Unfortunately, and disappointedly so, weak institutional frameworks, coupled with corruption, policy inconsistencies and other numerous governance challenges, have constituted stumbling blocks to the country’s inability to effectively and efficiently harness its economic potential (Ogunleye & Adeleye, 2018).
Economic development is a measure of the increase of per capita income, which is itself, a function of the growth rate of national income (Mankiw & Taylor, 2014). National income growth depends largely on, political leadership stability as well as the appropriate economic policies implemented by the political leadership. Also, insights into the influence of political leadership on the socio-economic development enable one to understand the roots of the poverty trap in which many developing nations are stuck. Understanding why countries have the type of leaders they do have and what determines a politician to govern well or govern poorly help us appreciate the positions of governance. This paper seeks to explore the intricate and dynamic relationship between political leadership and economic development in Nigeria. The paper will briefly examine the historical context, challenges and opportunities in Nigeria’s economic landscape, key policy decisions, and governance structures to unravel the impact of political leadership on key economic indicators such as job creation, infrastructure development, poverty alleviation, GDP growth, and foreign direct investment. The paper will provide insights into how effective leadership can catalyze positive economic transformation and propel inclusive growth and development in Nigeria. BACKGROUND With a human population of over 230 million, and rich in natural resources, Nigeria, popularly referred to as the “Giant of Africa” (UK Essays, 2018), and continental powerhouse (Akindele, et al. 2012), holds vast potential for economic growth and development. Despite this abundance of human and natural resources, the country has faced numerous complex challenges and struggles on its path to economic prosperity. Nigeria has experienced significant political, social, and economic changes since its independence from British colonial rule in 1960. Political leadership continues to play a central role in Nigeria’s fate. In general, the effects of political stability on economic development underscore the fact that political opportunities drive the economic policies in countries, especially those that are external as opposed to internal factors. The effectiveness of political leadership in providing the best opportunities for economic policies is also important because the nature of the stability is driven by how the political market works in various countries. Overall, many different types of political markets lead to different types of policy commitments. The impact of political leadership attributes is manifested through varying degrees of political stability, democratization, income inequality, and governance quality. The historical context of Nigeria’s economic development efforts has been shaped by a complex interplay of factors. These include the legacies of the colonial era, post-independence governance structures, the discovery of oil and Nigeria’s dependence on oil, political instability and social inequalities, among others. The country has experienced long periods of military rule, and military coups, disrupting democratic processes, with profound repercussions on economic management and policy consistency. While the discovery of oil in commercial quantities in the 1950s provided a unique opportunity for the transformation of Nigeria’s economy and acceleration of the development process, the country’s over-reliance and dependence on oil revenues, and neglect of particularly, manufacturing and agriculture, exposed the country’s economy to external shocks and volatility. This has been further compounded by the mismanagement of oil revenues and the absence of, or lack of diversification. Different administrations and political leaders in Nigeria, have implemented several economic policies that have generated both positive and negative impacts on the nation’s economy. Additionally, the socio-political dynamics coupled with regional disparities, ethno-religious tensions, poverty, youth unemployment, among others, underscore the multidimensional complexities that Nigeria’s political leaders must address in order to foster inclusive and sustainable national economic growth. POLITICAL LEADERSHIP IN NIGERIA From the beginning, the political leadership has been infused with a degree of military dominance and military interests. Their unwillingness to relinquish control of governance and the economy exposed Nigeria’s leadership to ineffective policies that advocate autocracy, preserve tradition, uphold the old methods instead of developing creative and entrepreneurial elements to thrive when addressing economic development and socio[1]economic change. Political leadership in Nigeria is primarily dedicated to self-interests and strategies. This inadequacy largely refuses them from seeing the need for Nigeria to devise and implement the strategic economic development policies rather than the traditional growth-based doctrines provided and promoted by international economic analysts and international economic ideologues. The autocratic policy models are directed at reinforcing figureheads and also provide ‘cocktail’ solutions primarily to maintain political rivalry. As a result, policy leadership evolves less in the way of the country’s economic and social development. An important characteristic of Nigeria’s political leadership is the role of ethnic and religious affiliations in shaping political alliances and power structures. Ethno-religious dynamics and blocs have played a significant role in determining political outcomes and leadership appointments (Akande, 2016). This has often resulted in a fragmented political landscape, with leaders often prioritizing the interests of their own ethnic or religious groups over those of the nation as a whole. Also, the legacy of military rule has had a lasting impact on Nigeria’s political leadership. Many former military leaders have transitioned into civilian politics, bringing with them a hierarchical and authoritarian style of leadership that has at times undermined democratic principles (Ojo, 2017). This has contributed to a culture of strongman politics, where leaders often centralize power and suppress dissent to maintain control. There have been efforts, in recent years, to reform the country’s political leadership and improve governance standards, through initiatives such as anti-corruption campaigns and electoral reforms, to address some of the challenges facing the country’s leadership (Adesina, 2020). However, progress in this direction has been very slow, and entrenched power structures continue to pose obstacles to meaningful change. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW In analyzing how political leaders influence economic performance in Nigeria, one should be cognizant of the fact that it is the interaction of the political elite with the economic cycle that provides insight into how political institutions mediate the influence of the political elite on the economy. Nigerian society has experienced considerable political upheaval. Income inequality has increased since the 1960s, and democratic political structures have not been effectively adapted to reflect the changes in social structures influenced by modernization. The erratic progress of democracy in Nigeria and its inability to cope with the pressures of rapid modernization have led to an erosion of belief in the efficacy of the social system. Decades of authoritarian or military rule in Nigeria have had a negative impact on the quality of governance and the standard of living of most Nigerians. Nigeria’s economic development has been greatly influenced by a variety of historical, social, and political factors, including pre-colonial trade, colonial exploitation, post-independence policies, and the oil boom. In the pre-colonial period, several thriving economies with very extensive trade networks existed. For example, the Yoruba city- states existed in the southwest, the Benin Kingdom in the southeast and the Hausa kingdoms in the north, engaged in agriculture and craft production, and traded, not only among themselves, but with coastal and trans-Saharan traders (Falola & Heaton, 2008). Then came the Colonial Era, which lasted from 1861-1960, and significantly altered Nigeria’s economic landscape. During this period, the British concentrated on extraction and exportation of raw materials to feed the European Industrial Revolution. The economy was designed to produce cash crops like groundnuts, palm oil, cocoa and others to serve British interests (Ake, 1981). The Post-Independence Industrialization period, from 1960-1970 sought to transform the colonial economic structure and accelerate Nigeria’s industrial development (Ekundare, 1973). Economic development plans were then designed by the government to promote and support the diversification of the country’s economy from agriculture towards industrialization and infrastructural development. This was followed, in the 1970s, by the period of Nigeria’s Oil Boom, where the problem of the country was not money but how to spend it. Oil contributed about 90% of foreign exchange earnings and over 80% of government revenues. The result was increased urbanization and investments in the development of infrastructure, but agriculture and other sectors were practically neglected (Osoba, 1996). With support from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Nigeria adopted the Structural Adjustment Program in 1986. This was in response to the challenges of rising debt and falling oil prices. An important goal of the SAP was to liberalize Nigeria’s economy, support private enterprise and minimize state involvement. However, the immediate social impact of the SAP was increased poverty and inequality (Iyoha & Oriakhi, 2002). In 2004, the Nigeria launched the National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy (NEEDS), focusing on poverty reduction, economic diversification and infrastructure development. The NEEDS focused on the promotion of good governance practices, private sector participation, and social development programs (Soludo, 2017). the Economic Recovery and Growth Plan (ERGP) was launched in 2007 by the government to support and boost agriculture, manufacturing and services (Kalejaiye & Aliyu, 2013). Another policy, the Vision 2020 Agendafollowed in 2009. The goal of the Vision 2020 was to position Nigeria as one of the top 20 economies in the world by 2020. It focused on key sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and services, and called for investment in human capital development and infrastructure (Ibrahim, 2020). Since 1990 to date, the country has witnessed a mixture of economic growth and setbacks. While there has been some form of stability in terms of democratic governance and political stability, corruption-induced challenges, the lack of economic diversification away from oil and lack of basic infrastructure still remain.
The influence of political leadership on the economy has been evident in various policies, decisions, and actions taken by those in power. One key example of this can be seen in their management of the country’s vast natural resources, particularly oil. Nigeria is a major oil producer, and the country’s political leaders have often used revenue from the oil sector to fund government programs and projects. Unfortunately, mismanagement, corruption, and lack of diversification have led to a situation where the economy remains heavily reliant on oil, making it vulnerable to fluctuations in global oil prices (Oyekola, 2015). In order to attract investments and spur economic development, sound economic policies, infrastructural development and regulatory frameworks are very essential. However, political instability, policy inconsistency, and corruption have often deterred investors, leading to suboptimal economic performance (Onyishi, 2018). Also, decisions in respect to government spending, currency stability, taxations and interest rates, are important factors that influence economic performance. Purposeful and effective political leadership in these areas can lead to sustainable economic growth, while poor decisions, as Nigeria’s experience has shown, exacerbate economic challenges(Akinbobola, 2019).
Nigeria has just as much potential as almost any other developed country and can show the same improvement if their government becomes truly transparent and accountable, focusing on creating a conducive enabling environment for organizing Nigerian civil society to generate growth. The importance of political instability and poor governance to the decline of Nigeria’s business climate is not limited to discouraging large foreign investors, but it also affects small and medium-sized businesses. Banks are also affected in several ways by the political instability and poor governance of the country. Political instability contributes to a high-risk credit market and reduced access to credit for the private sector. The financial sector is one area in which scientific and internal market work can be done to establish how poor governance affects Nigeria’s economy.
POLITICAL ECONOMY THEORIES
The literature on political economy (Mills, 2005) as well as political business cycle theory (Nordhaus & William, D, 1975) is rich with reasons why politicians in particular would want to shape economies. They have incentives to gain from various forms of rent seeking. Classical and neoliberal economists have come up with mechanisms through which leaders can manipulate areas of the economy to stay in power. Politicians also agree to a social contract with citizens to provide public goods in return for a mandate to govern. There are incentives for politicians to supply public goods to maintain power. Politicians may choose to use economic policy to expand a country’s productive capacity or improve national welfare as part of their stewardship. This may involve providing an enabling environment where the private sector flourishes and produces many desirable goods and services. Politicians can also manipulate the economy by trading off some economic policy in exchange for political survival. Political leaders remain the most important economic agents whose intentions to grow the economy can impact on aggregate productivity and improve economic outcomes.
Political economy theories offer insights into the complex interplay of institutions, interests and power, as well as different perspectives on the relationship between economics and politics. Some key political economy theories include:
a. The Classical Political Economy Theory, which began around the 18th and 19th centuries, was very prominent and promoted by great thinkers and renowned economists like Adam Smith and David Ricardo, among others. The classical political economy theory emphasizes minimal government intervention, free markets and self-interests in driving economic outcomes. Proponents of the classical political economy theory believe that overall economic prosperity through the invisible hand mechanism (Smith, 1776), would result from self-interest.
b. The Marxist Political Economy Theory: Developed by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, the Marxist political economy theory deals with the relationship between social classes, labour and capital. The foundation of this theory is that capitalism is inherently exploitative, hence proponents of Marxist political economy theory advocate for the overthrow of the capitalist system (Marx, 1867), and the establishment of a classless society rooted in the common ownership of th means of production.
c. The Institutional Political Economy Theory: The Institutional Political Economy Theory is described as a fusion of economic analysis with political science and sociological insights, in order to properly examine how economic behaviour and outcomes are shaped by institutions. The theory highlights the significance and influence of formal and informal rules and norms, including power structures in economic decision-making (North, 1990). Institutions have the capacity to either promote or hinder economic development and social welfare.
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA
Economic growth is a significant contributor and necessary component of economic development. Economic development is the creation of enabling conditions that promote and stimulate rapid and substantial increase in the basic material well-being of the majority. This is achievable by the implementation of political leadership policies to promote economic growth through land reforms, capital intensive industrialization, educational stimulus and effective public health system. Economic development must be measured through such areas as the reduction in the opportunities for malnutrition, the considerable reduction in high infant mortality rates, the availability of potable water, the availability of access to quality educational material, the growth of public health, greater opportunities for employment, the gradual socio-economic level generated by the majority of the people whereby an average level of society is established, the reduction in the level of high inflation and unemployment, indices of per-capita income, and through the efficient allocation of resources in regulating the type of social relationships. The term “economic development” can be viewed from the perspective of a false dichotomy in the development process. The dichotomy resulted due to the identifying of economic development with the advancement of the “center” (the more developed and industrialized countries, usually capitalist, on the one hand) and the possibilities of the “periphery” (viz the less developed, under-developed, undeveloped or developing countries, often countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, on the other. What the political economist referred to frequently as “economic growth” – a sustained increase in the output of goods and services of a country, usually measured at one sector of the economy most times through the increase of the Gross National product (as one of the forms of indicators of economic development) is often confused with economic development itself. Historically, Nigeria’s economic development has evolved significantly, shaped by its rich endowment of natural resources, governmental policies, and its interactions within the global economy. Nigeria’s oil and gas sector accounts for about 90% of export earnings and more than 50% of government revenue (Central Bank of Nigeria, 2022). This over-dependence on oil and gas has made the country’s economy highly susceptible to global oil price fluctuations. Efforts have been intensified in recent times, to diversify the economy through the development of the agricultural sector, which accounts for about 70% of the labour force and about 24% of the country’s GDP (National Bureau of Statistics, 2022). The Manufacturing sector, though still nascent, holds great promise, in terms of its contributions to the nation’s GDP. This is the clear focus of the Nigeria Industrial Revolution Plan (NIRP), designed to support the manufacturing sector to become globally competitive by increasing the sector’s manufacturing base (Federal Ministry of Industry, Trade and Investment, 2022). The services sector has recorded the fastest growth in Nigeria, with telecommunications driving the expansion of mobile telephony and internet penetration. The financial services industry has been revolutionized, enhancing financial inclusion (PwC, 2023). Despite such progress, especially in the services sector, Nigeria’s economic development is still hampered by challenges of corruption, insecurity, political instability, and unacceptable unemployment rate, especially among the country’s youth population. Poverty is also widespread, as a significant portion of the country’s human population continues to live below the poverty line. Nigeria’s political leaders are today, also strained by contemporary socio-economic and geopolitical problems.
INTERPLAY BETWEEN POLITICAL LEADERSHIP AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
The interplay between political leadership and economic development in Nigeria is profound and deeply influential, presenting a mix of opportunities and challenges over the years. Depending on the nature of leadership, sometimes military and sometimes civilian, centralized versus decentralized, this interplay between political leadership and economic development in Nigeria has been marked by significant shifts. Persistent issues such as corruption and political instability remain significant barriers. The path to sustainable economic development in Nigeria depends largely on the emergence of transparent, accountable, and effective political leadership. Economic policies and outcomes are directly impacted by political leadership. For example, Nigeria witnessed significant regional disparities due to political and ethnic tensions, during Nigeria First Republic (1960-1966), which greatly influenced developmental policies and economic development decisions (Falola & Heaton, 2008). From the late 1960s to late 1990s, the Nigeria witnessed long periods of military regimes, with centralized control over decision-making and economic resources. Nigeria returned to civil rule in 1999, signaling a significant turning point for the nation’s political and economic landscape. The Federal Government then, led by President Olusegun Obasanjo, from 1999- 2007, initiated significant economic policies, including banking sector reforms, privatization and the war against corruption to promote Nigeria’s growth and economic stability (Utomi, 2013). Despite these encouraging efforts, corruption, insurgency, political instability, and inadequate infrastructure have continued to impede substantial economic progress. Resources that could be applied for economic development have been drained by political corruption, due to large-scale mismanagement and embezzlement of funds by political leaders (Ekanade, 2014), significantly hampering Nigeria’s economic development. The establishment of institutions such as the ICPC and the EFCC demonstrates leadership commitment to combating corruption. However, the effectiveness of these institutions has depended largely, on the leadership’s commitment and political climate (Agbiboa, 2012). Political leadership seeks to recast the economy, the rules of the institution of property and production, and the distributional benefits from economic growth and stability; it seeks to redistribute property and production, enunciates and enforces written and principled rules of commercial behavior so that technology, skills, knowledge, and other means of production are deployed efficiently at the levels of the corporate sector, while acceptable distributional privileges are punctuated; and it seeks to protect and defend property rights, and to regulate the conduct and behavior of economic agents within the terms of written and enforced rules. The governance structure can either facilitate or obstruct the realization of the aim and objectives of political leadership.
CONCLUSION
Political leadership is fundamental in the process of governance, towards the achievement of desirable objectives, including economic development, social integration, public well-being, and such other related goals. However, political leaders could impact the economy in diverse ways, such as their political orientation and ideology. Furthermore, political leadership is expected to engineer the economy towards greater performance through various operative mechanisms like policy formulation, decision-making, implementation, and the evaluation of policies. It is these functions that allow political leaders to use public resources to create value for the improvement of the living standards of a country, while at the same time working to broaden social welfare, for instance, by increasing employment. Although political leadership’s corresponding influence on economic development can have significant consequences, either through its impact on policy change driven by its transfer of power from one set of political actors to another, or by altering expectations and beliefs, political regimes can shape patterns of economic development and distributions. Such leaders can act as a model, man of action, great communicator, or transformational leader, while others have been seen as people of vision pursuit focusing on creativity and risk persuasiveness inspiring trust to make things happen, society builder, nation-builder(s), nation transformer, and many more. Good political leadership creates an environment that promotes economic development. Intriguingly, corruption at all levels of governance, poor accountability and transparency have been identified as the bane of the underdevelopment of many African nations including Nigeria. To find solutions to these problems, this work has investigated the influence of political leadership on economic development in Nigeria. The paper is anchored on the legitimacy theory which emphasizes the importance of public confidence and trust in government-to-government effectiveness. The study adopted the quasi-experimental research design with the secondary source of data as the only source of data collection. Data analyzed were obtained from secondary sources using content analysis. The research found out that political leadership influences economic development in Nigeria ranging from ineffective utilization of resources, embezzlement of public funds, bad governance, poor service, and inadequate level of socialization, and encouragement of corrupt practices among public officials. This paper suggests that more attention should be paid to the challenges at the institutional structure and the political system in Nigeria. These challenges call for significant measures aimed at promoting good political leadership in Nigeria. For Nigeria to attain her worthy goals as a competitive and prospering nation, Nigerians must commit to re-establishing value for the common good, a good society, community, dialogue, tolerance, fraternity, and self-identity, fostering a mutual sense of belonging in full participation and well-being. Furthermore, initiating agile services reflecting due transparency and encouraging responsibility among all its leaders at all levels, in good faith and uprightness, and manifesting self-pride. To this end, the paper advocates for the urgent need for enhancing moral leadership and promoting genuine politics in terms of the inviolability of life, perennial morals, and the preservation of the human environment, and democracy for social and civil rights.
IMPLICATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
When political leaders are unjust, oppressive and manipulative, it becomes difficult to share the goals of the elite, and consequently stifle efforts toward growth and development. However, and usefully, vision, political will, attributes of democratic inclusiveness and transformational qualities make great leaders capable of leading development and country mobilization into prosperity, democracy and development. A sense of national interest as the cardinal point of leadership informs the communal spirit of visionary political leadership in building and remolding the structure of a nation state. In conclusion, all historical trajectories to high growth in emerging economies were marked by focused attention to structural change by political leadership. In this sense, an inclusive approach and response from the political leadership in Nigeria places some optimism in the quest for long-term growth and economic progress. Leadership at the level of nation-states had a greater impact on growth and development than at any higher level. A developing country’s own leadership had the major responsibility to initiate, guide and pace its growth process. History and successful models of change provide a message of hope, that with the right policies, attributes and dispositions of its leaders, good countries can become better. However, at other times political leaders thwart the development of their nations through corrupt practices and greed that undermines development objectives.
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First publication: International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science (ISSN 2454-6186), vol. VIII, issue VII, July 2024, p. 1274-1282, https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2024.807106 Received: 17 June 2024; Revised: 30 June 2024; Accepted: 04 July 2024; Published: 07 August 2024.
Illustrative Photo by Christina Morillo: https://www.pexels.com/photo/black-and-gray-laptop-computer-turned-on-doing-computer-codes-1181271/
