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Interview with Deutschlandfunk

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Interview with Deutschlandfunk

Interview with Isabel Schnabel, Member of the Executive Board of the ECB, conducted by Klemens Kindermann on 29 January 2021 and published on 31 January 2021

31 January 2021

Perhaps a question of general interest to start off with: how is the ECB operating during the coronavirus pandemic? Is everyone working from home?
The ECB put some comprehensive measures in place very early on. And this means that the vast majority of our people have been working from home for many months now. To be honest, I find it really remarkable how well it has worked because the ECB is a very complex institution that now is almost completely in teleworking mode.
Talking of coronavirus: the pandemic has caused the euro area economy to collapse – by 5% in Germany alone last year. The prospect of a vaccine has made many more optimistic about the year 2021. Now there are problems with vaccine distribution. There are coronavirus mutations. There are numerous lockdowns all over Europe. Is there a threat of another setback for the economy?
The pandemic has led to the biggest economic collapse since the Second World War. There was a dramatic decline in the wake of the first lockdown. And then there was an unexpectedly strong recovery over the course of the year. Unfortunately, this has now been interrupted by the second wave of the virus. It is becoming apparent that the euro area suffered negative growth in the fourth quarter of last year. In the light of the worsening health situation in many countries, a very weak first quarter is to be expected this year. The speed of the vaccination rollout will now be decisive because ultimately that will be the only way to contain the pandemic in the longer term. And then when the lockdown measures are lifted again, we could see another strong recovery similar to what we saw last year.
Where do you see the euro area economy at the end of the year then? Will we have seen significant growth over the course of the whole year?
There will, of course, be positive growth this year. We see growth for the euro area at close to 4% for the current year. Nonetheless we will not have reached pre-crisis GDP levels even by the end of this year.
The European Union came together to agree on a €750 billion plan to combat the coronavirus crisis. Is that enough money to alleviate the economic problems caused by the pandemic?
First, I would like to emphasise what a great achievement it is to have succeeded in finding a European response to this crisis. And now the first thing to do is to actually implement it and put this really quite large programme into practice. Above all, it needs to be ensured that these funds are used sensibly. It is paramount to succeed in returning the euro area economy to a path of higher sustainable growth after the crisis. To achieve this, it is essential that the money is used to invest to support structural change, namely in the direction of a more digital and greener economy.
When you say it depends on implementing this quickly – the money is only supposed to start flowing in the middle of this year at the earliest. Is that good enough? Don’t things have to move faster than that?
The countries themselves have already done quite a lot and they will continue to do that. These measures on the national level are also very important. But certainly one has to speed up a little bit so that these European tools become available soon and so they can be used.
You mention activities on the national level. Much depends on how the national governments in the euro area combat the economic consequences of the pandemic. Some national governments – like Germany – can provide more economic support than others. Is that a problem for the recovery of the euro area as a whole?
The crisis indeed affects different euro area countries in different ways. And this is primarily because certain sectors are being hit harder by the crisis than others. We are seeing a slump in the services sector, while areas like manufacturing have been less severely affected and are now profiting, for example, from the fact that China has recovered quickly. This has led to a certain divergence in the euro area. In addition, countries that were particularly severely affected – because they have very large tourism sectors, for instance – were also those that were already in a weaker initial situation and had less fiscal space. This is why it is so important that there is a European response to this crisis.
Many euro area states, especially those that you were just talking about, are significantly increasing their levels of indebtedness. Is that not dangerous?
In view of the difficulties of the pandemic, massive government measures are required. This has to be financed through increased debt. If it hadn’t been for these measures, these countries would have fallen into a much deeper crisis. Just think about the short-time work schemes that are so important in ensuring that people can keep their jobs. Without the measures, many viable firms would have gone under. If these measures had not been taken, the crisis would have been much deeper. And that could even have led to higher levels of debt in the medium term. It is crucial that the countries succeed in returning to a sustainable growth path in order to manage the increased debt levels. If the countries return to strong growth after the pandemic, then the higher levels of debt aren’t a problem.
So, to ask one more time, you don’t see a new sovereign debt crisis coming?
No, I don’t see that coming.
There is a discussion in Germany at the moment about suspending what is known as the debt brake [the constitutional limit to the ability of federal and state governments to take on new debt] for a number of years. How do things stand at the European level? Because the rule that limits deficits to 3% of economic output for EU Member States is currently suspended in the light of pandemic-related deficit spending. Would it not also make sense to consider suspending the rule over a number of years so as to afford the countries more space for the future?
It was certainly important for the European rules to be temporarily suspended. It is equally important to return to a framework of fiscal rules after the pandemic. But there is broad consensus about the need to reform these rules – above all, because the rules are not binding enough in good times and are too restrictive in bad times. This limits their effectiveness. And that is why I think it makes sense to consider modifying the regulatory framework.
Ms Schnabel, last year the ECB initiated a massive emergency bond purchase programme to counter the economic consequences of the pandemic, which was increased again in December. How can you explain these huge sums to our listeners? Why does it have to be a truly incredible 1.85 trillion euro?
Let me reiterate that we are in the middle of the worst economic crisis since the Second World War. And extraordinary situations call for extraordinary measures. 2020 saw dramatic upheavals on the financial markets, which were reminiscent of the upheavals at the time of the global financial crisis from 2007 to 2009. The markets collapsed. Liquidity dried up. And at the same time, many companies desperately needed liquidity as their revenues had crumbled. And that was the situation in which the ECB – fortunately, you might say – responded very quickly and adopted a wide-ranging package of measures that had two main components. One was to provide liquidity on a large scale to banks at very low terms. And then there was the new bond purchasing programme that you mentioned, characterised by a large degree of flexibility. With this package of measures, we succeeded in calming the financial markets relatively quickly. But I would like to emphasise that the real turning point in the crisis did not arrive until agreement emerged on the European rescue package. And this is where you can see very well how in this crisis, unlike in earlier crises, monetary and fiscal measures reinforced each other, by which I mean they multiplied each other’s impact. And that was very important.
Does this mean that the bond purchases under this emergency programme known as PEPP do not have be increased again?
That depends on how the pandemic evolves. The economic performance will largely be determined by how quickly we manage to reach what is known as herd immunity. And this is where vaccination will play a key role. In December, we already extended our programmes as it was becoming evident that the pandemic would also last a lot longer. We have extended them up until March and June of next year. We do of course hope that that will be enough.
Particularly highly indebted euro area states have to pay a premium on their sovereign bond yields, if they want to take on more debt. The question is this: Does the ECB targeted purchases of sovereign bonds from these countries in order to keep down these premia?
Our purchase programmes are set up in such a way that we make purchases in line with what is known as the ECB capital key. Roughly, the shares correspond to each country’s share of gross domestic product in the euro area as a whole. However, the new bond purchase programme has been set up with a special form of flexibility that would make it possible in a crisis to buy more bonds in those countries suffering particular dislocations. This is because we wanted to ensure that common monetary policy reaches the euro area as a whole. We had precisely a situation like this in March of last year, when a clear fragmentation occurred in the euro area. At that point, bonds of certain euro area countries were bought in larger amounts. The situation calmed down quickly and it was no longer necessary to buy more bonds from certain countries. This then also led to a decline in the deviations from the capital key.
Well, in its spectacular ECB judgement last year, the German Constitutional Court had ruled that the ECB needed to comply with precisely this capital key. Does that mean the parameters set by the Constitutional Court, to which the ECB is not actually fully obliged, are met as far as you’re concerned?
Absolutely. What the Constitutional Court specifically highlighted was that our measures need to be proportionate. And that has always been a major concern of ours. In other words, when we make decisions on measures, we need to consider whether these measures are effective, whether they are appropriate and whether other measures would possibly be more effective. And, of course, whether the measures cause side effects that are possibly greater than their positive effects. And this review is something we do continuously, and it plays an important role when we decide which measures are taken.
You’ve explained quite clearly that, with these bond purchases, you’re keeping the financing conditions favourable for enterprises and for states, thus supporting the economy. But is that your mandate in the first place? Isn’t your mandate actually to safeguard price stability in the euro area?
Yes, you are of course completely right. The goal is to safeguard price stability. But this is done by stimulating the economy. This requires the financing conditions in the euro area to be favourable for households and for enterprises.
Not only are you buying bonds, you’re also keeping interest rates low. The benchmark rate has been at a record low of 0.0% since March 2016. How long will we need to wait until interest rates start rising in the euro area?
First of all, I would like to point out that the low interest rate environment is not attributable solely to the ECB’s monetary policy. This is being driven by long-term macroeconomic trends. Due to the global demographic situation, more is being saved. And at the same time, less is being invested because productivity growth has declined. That is a global phenomenon over which central banks have little influence. This excess saving has led to interest rates falling. This is not first and foremost the result of central bank policy; instead, it has to do with the underlying macroeconomic factors. Monetary policy has to deal with these circumstances. In order to stimulate the economy, interest rates need to be set even lower. I can of course not predict when interest rates might be raised. What I can tell you, though, is that raising interest rates in the current situation would have disastrous effects. Seen in that light, that is not something anyone should wish for.
Excess savings is, however, the right keyword. What would you say to savers who have seen no interest accumulating in their accounts but who actually want to put something aside for their old age?
For savers, the current interest rate environment is difficult. But people are, of course, not just savers. They are also borrowers. Borrowers benefit from low interest rates. And, in addition, low interest rates stimulate the economy, as I described earlier. Among other things, this means that this low interest rate policy has had a positive impact on the labour market. Many people have kept their jobs or found a new job because, thanks to the expansionary monetary policy, the economy has performed better. Seen in that light, it’s not helpful to view interest rates in isolation. Most euro area citizens have benefited from our policy.
We’re currently observing a sharp rise in yields on long-dated US government bonds. This is usually the precursor of higher inflation expectations. Should the ECB already be starting to change direction, getting ready for higher inflation?
What we’re seeing is an interesting short-term movement. The first estimates of the January inflation rate in Germany have just been published. And they were surprisingly high.
True, but this is down to the VAT cut and the price of CO2, isn’t it?
Indeed. In the first instance, it is these one-off effects that are responsible. Moreover, it’s not easy to measure inflation right now because our basket of goods has changed significantly. We have almost stopped consuming certain things altogether – we’re no longer eating out, going to the hairdresser’s or travelling. All of this is reflected in the basket of goods considered for inflation measurement. The weights of individual goods in the basket have shifted significantly. As a result, it is very difficult to compare the figures over time. Besides, this year we are also going to see base effects in the price of energy. Last year, energy prices plummeted. This means that one year later, we will see that inflation will be particularly high. We are expecting the inflation rate to pick up in the course of this year. We must be careful, however, not to mistake these short-term developments for a sustained increase in inflation. We are faced with very weak demand. And it does not look like this is going to fundamentally change. This is why we continue to be more worried about inflation being too low rather than too high.
The ECB intends not only to scrutinise its monetary policy but also to communicate better. This interview is certainly part of that approach. What else, Ms Schnabel?
We are facing a very challenging economic situation and we need to see how we can bring inflation closer to levels that are consistent with our inflation target. We are currently conducting a thorough review of our strategy. The review will look at several topics, including communication, as you mentioned. It is a topic that is particularly close to my heart. Climate change is another topic that we’re looking at.
Indeed, this week the ECB set up, or announced the setting up of, a climate change centre. Why does a central bank look after environmental protection? Aren’t others better equipped to do that?
The main responsibility for climate action lies with the governments. Central banks can contribute to a more limited extent. But no one can ignore the fact that climate change is the greatest challenge to society, much greater even than the pandemic. The ECB cannot ignore it. This is why we ask ourselves which role we can play, within our mandate, in combating climate change.
Does this mean buying green bonds?
It means many different things. We must ask ourselves how we take climate change into account in our economic models. Traditionally, climate change does not feature, and this is something we certainly have to change. We must ask ourselves what impact climate change has on risk assessment. This is important for banking supervision, but also for monetary policy. Then we must ask ourselves what climate change means for our monetary policy operations. And as an institution, we need to think about how we can get greener, how much business travel is necessary, how we invest our pension funds.
I have to ask again – should the ECB also buy green bonds?
This is a topic that’s being discussed as part of our strategy review. But, in fact, the ECB is buying green bonds in not insignificant amounts already. The question, therefore, really is whether the ECB should buy more green bonds than its share in the current market. And this is a question that’s provoking a lot of controversy, but it will be a significant part of our strategy review.
What will happen when the ECB reduces its bond purchases because, for example, of a threat of higher inflation? We already spoke about this. Will the extent of climate action depend on inflation then?
It must be equally possible to increase and to decrease bond purchases. And when we do, we must not be guided by any considerations other than that of our primary mandate, which is price stability.
To finish off with, let’s talk about the digital euro, which is something that you’re also planning to embark on, or at least are considering. What would it look like? Do you want to compete with Bitcoin?
Digitalisation affects all aspects of our lives, a trend that the pandemic strengthened further. This is also clear when you look at how people pay for things. Digital payments now play a bigger role. A digital euro would give citizens access to secure central bank money. You can think about it as banknotes in digital form. It is not about replacing cash, which is still very popular in the euro area. A digital euro would just be an alternative form of money. We are seeing a lot of different developments in this field. Private digital currencies are being developed, other currency areas are considering creating digital money. The ECB needs to be prepared and able to potentially issue its own digital currency to secure monetary sovereignty. But let me stress that no decision has been made yet. A lot of preliminary work needs to be done first. Nevertheless, it is of course a topic that the ECB needs to tackle in this digital age.
When you say “other currency areas” I’m guessing you mean China. Work on this has been going on there for more than five years now. The digital yuan is being trialled already, people are being randomly selected to test it. Can you even catch up with China?
Some countries were quicker than others to launch such projects. But it’s not like that boat has sailed. What’s important is to properly prepare for a digital euro so that if we do introduce it, it is a well thought-out and robust system. I don’t think it would make sense to rush into this and launch a half-finished concept. Money is simply too important.
Facebook now wants to launch its own currency, called Diem. It was referred to as Libra before. Would it compete with the euro?
First we need to ask whether these so-called private currencies can be considered as real currencies, or whether they’re simply investment products. A currency needs to have very specific features. Trust is a very important one. I doubt that a private provider can ever manage to inspire trust like the ECB does.
We’re almost finished, but I’d still like to ask you one last question, if I may, Ms Schnabel.
Of course.
How do you invest your own money?
You can look it up on our website – not the amounts, but the names of assets. Of course, we have certain restrictions. For example, we are not allowed to invest in financial institutions because we supervise them. But I always try to invest in future-oriented areas, like digital, green and of course ETFs.

Chiefs’ gathering in Chad opens new horizons

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Chiefs’ gathering in Chad opens new horizons | BWNS
BARO, Chad — In the Guéra region of Chad, some 30 traditional chiefs from the area gathered in the village of Baro to discuss the future of their people. This was one of a dozen such conferences that have been held over the past two years throughout the country by the Bahá’í community in collaboration with traditional leaders.

“Many chiefs have expressed a desire to learn more about the Bahá’í community-building activities that are bringing people in their villages together to address different social issues,” explains Prime Tchompaare, a member of the Bahá’í Spiritual Assembly of Chad.

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The head chief of the Baro area (left) and other dignitaries address the gathering of traditional chiefs.

The conference itself provided an example of how spiritual principles are essential to discussions on progress. One of the participating chiefs stated: “Unity, religious harmony, love, service to society—the idea of looking at these themes as the starting point for finding solutions to our challenges really allows us to see things we could not see before.”

Another participant described the significance of the conference, stating: “Although we have always led our communities based on our cultural heritage, this unique gathering is allowing us to reflect very deeply on our role in advocating unity and peace and to reflect on the education of our children. These kinds of spaces can help us to be at the vanguard of addressing the aspirations of our community.”

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Photograph taken before the current health crisis. Bahá’í educational programs in Chad build bonds of friendship and capacity for service to society.

The consultations at the conference allowed the chiefs to examine many different societal issues, while drawing in part from the experience of the Bahá’ís of Chad in their community-building efforts.

The moral education of children and youth was one of the themes they explored. At the gathering, Mr. Tchompaare highlighted aspects of the Bahá’í educational programs that develop capacities for service, stating: “Through this process, youth develop the ability to reflect together on the needs of their communities, they join others in serving their locality, and they see new possibilities. They want to stay longer in their communities in order to contribute to long-term prosperity.”

One of the chiefs at the conference observed that this educational process holds great potential, especially for young people, stating: “It can assist in addressing many of the ills we suffer, such as tensions between generations as well as rural exodus. As chiefs, we have long had the custom of gathering young people to teach them our traditions and religious teachings. Now we are thinking about how this custom can be adapted to further help children develop what they need for current times and embrace the world with greater openness, while remaining connected to their heritage.”

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Photographs taken before the current health crisis. Pictured here are participants in community-building initiatives of the Bahá’ís of Chad.

The evolution of culture was another theme the chiefs discussed at the gathering. Discussions highlighted the need for a deeper examination of some customary practices that may act as barriers to greater participation of women in community affairs.

Another area of great interest to the chiefs was approaches conducive to solving disagreements among people. “In our villages, there is frequent tension between crop farmers and livestock breeders over land,” said one of the chiefs.

“I believe this can only be resolved,” he continued, “through the kind of consultation, tolerance, and prayerful atmosphere that we see in this gathering. The idea of fostering the devotional life of a community, involving all inhabitants, is very inspiring. It attracts the hearts and can provide a path toward greater harmony.”

At the conclusion of the gathering, the chiefs made plans to hold similar meetings of their own in their respective localities, exploring the same themes with community members.

The Very First Cover of the Book Review

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The Very First Cover of the Book Review

This year, the Book Review turns 125.

It’s an institution that was born under the watchful eye of Adolph S. Ochs, who established the standalone supplement shortly after he became publisher of the paper in 1896. It has been known variously as “the Saturday Review of Books and Art,” “the Sunday Book Review,” “the NYTBR” or, mostly internally, simply “TBR” (not to be confused with “to be read,” though you can understand the confusion).

Over this anniversary year, we will bring you pieces from our archives to enjoy again or, more often than not, for the first time. The ethos of our pages has remained the same. We couldn’t put it better than the Book Review’s editors in 1913 who extolled “an open forum for the discussion of books from all sane and honest points of view.”

We begin here at the beginning with the inaugural eight-page issue that appeared on Oct. 10, 1896, including cover stories on Oscar Wilde’s suffering in jail and a (strangely familiar) report on how department stores were threatening independent bookstores. Among the 10 book reviews on the inside was a critique of Robert Barr’s newest one: “Mr. Robert Barr is a reasonably ingenious, versatile, fairly well informed writer, and to a sensitive person frequently an irritating one.” Sane and honest indeed.

Tina Jordan is the deputy editor of the Book Review and author of a book celebrating its 125th anniversary, to be published next fall.

Follow New York Times Books on Facebook, Twitter and Instagram, sign up for our newsletter or our literary calendar. And listen to us on the Book Review podcast.

Nearly all were Christians, but Biden only second Catholic

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(Photo: Joe Biden official campaign website)Joe Biden

There are those who support the separation of Church and State, and while there is the beginning of the presidency of Joseph Biden, a committed Catholic, the recent role of Christianity in U.S. politics has triggered a torrent of debate in the nation’s mass media.

About one-in-five U.S. adults are Catholic, and Catholicism has long been one of the nation’s largest religious groups, Pew Research reports.

Yet, John F. Kennedy was the only Catholic president until Joseph Biden was sworn in on Jan. 20.

Much has been written about President Joe Biden’s Catholic faith.

He often speaks of his religious convictions and quotes the Bible, and he attends Mass regularly, Aleksandra Sandstrom wrote for Pew.

There was only one other Catholic, aside from Biden, John Kerry, who was a presidential nominee on a major party ticket since the assassination of Kennedy in 1963.

Hours before Biden took his oath of office, he entered the front pew of the Cathedral of St. Matthew the Apostle, the seat of Catholic Washington, and beheld the mosaics behind the altar, The New York Times wrote.

While President Biden is only the second observant Catholic president in U.S. history, he also supports the right to an abortion. That has set him off on a rocky start with some U.S. bishops, the NPR program All Things Considered heard on Jan. 29.

BIDEN ATTENDS MASS

The Washington Post wrote on Jan. 27, just hours after Biden had attended Mass at St. Matthew’s, Archbishop José H. Gomez of Los Angeles, the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops president, issued a statement.

It began by praising Biden’s “piety” and “his moving witness to how his faith has brought him solace in times of darkness and tragedy,” but then moved to an unprecedented first-day rebuke.

“I must point out,” Gomez wrote, “that our new President has pledged to pursue certain policies that would advance moral evils and threaten human life and dignity, most seriously in the areas of abortion, contraception, marriage, and gender. Of deep concern is the liberty of the Church and the freedom of believers to live according to their consciences.”

That set off a fierce debate among U.S. Catholics, some with those who see Biden’s support for the downtrodden as supportive of his faith, but others who see his acceptance of the “pro-choice” views of his party that accepts abortion as being at odds with Catholic teaching.

The U.S. Constitution prohibits any religious test or requirement for public office.

Almost all U.S. presidents have been Christians, and many have been Episcopalians or Presbyterians, with most of the rest belonging to other prominent Protestant denominations.

One-in-five U.S. adults say it is “very important” to have a president with strong religious beliefs.

And 14 percent say the same applies to having a president who shares their own religious beliefs, according to a February 2020 Pew Research Center survey.

A far higher share (63 percent) note the importance of having a president who personally lives a moral and ethical life.

When he began as president, Trump was included as a Presbyterian in a previous Pew analysis version.

But he said in an Oct. 2020 interview with Religion News Service that he no longer identifies as a Presbyterian: “I now consider myself to be a nondenominational Christian.”

Trump had delivered an address on June 4, last year, in which he threatened military action on the nation. Then he walked to the nearby St. John’s Episcopal Church to pose with a Bible, Clint Witchalls had written in The Conversation on a publicity student that stirred global debate.

TRUMP WITH A BIBLE

“Yes, Trump held the Bible like a baby holding a spoon for the first time – unsure which end is which – but the real problem was the complete disconnection between the text in his hand and the force, both verbally threatened and actually used, to clear the way for his stunt,” said Witchalls.                                         

“Tear gas and militarized police cleared crowds, including some of the church’s own clergy from its grounds, in order for Trump to pose in front of the church.”

Witchalls wrote that while Christian outrage at Trump’s hypocrisy is genuine, for reasons that several Christian leaders had “elegantly articulated,” there is a need to ask: did Trump do anything new?

“Has he done anything that powerful “Christian” leaders haven’t done for centuries?

“The answer is no. Co-opting Christianity in the service of power is almost as old as Christianity itself.”

Historically, about a quarter of presidents – including some of the most famous leaders, such as George Washington, James Madison, and Franklin Roosevelt – were members of the Episcopal Church, the U.S. successor to the Church of England, part of the worldwide Anglican Communion.

Presbyterians are the next largest group, with eight presidents, including Andrew Jackson and Ronald Reagan.

Unitarians and Baptists, including Jimmy Carter, Bill Clinton and Harry Truman, are the groups with the third-largest share of presidents, each with four.  

There also have been four presidents who identify as Christian without a formal denomination, including Trump and his predecessor, Barack Obama.

Obama was raised in a non-religious household but converted to Christianity as an adult and worshipped at a United Church of Christ congregation – Trinity United Church of Christ – in Chicago.

However, Obama left Trinity during his first presidential campaign in 2008 after controversial statements by the church’s senior pastor, Jeremiah Wright, gained widespread attention.

Two of the most famous presidents in American history had no formal religious affiliation.

The first president Thomas Jefferson lost his faith in traditional Christianity at an early age, but Sandstrom said he continued to believe in an impersonal God as the creator of the universe.

“Jefferson famously edited the New Testament by removing references to the miracles and leaving in Jesus’ teachings,” she said.

The second president, Abraham Lincoln, was raised in a religious household and frequently spoke about God (particularly as president), but he never joined a church.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN

Scholars have long debated Lincoln’s beliefs, including whether he was a Christian, and some aspects of his faith remain a mystery.        

Lincoln is not the only president for whom there is some uncertainty surrounding his affiliation and beliefs.

Some presidents were more private than others about their religious leanings, and some may have evolved in their beliefs during their life.

Sandstrom cites Lincoln’s second vice president and ultimately his successor, Andrew Johnson, who identified himself as a Christian but never was formally part of a denomination or congregation.

Another 19th-century president, Rutherford B. Hayes, sometimes attended Methodist churches but “moved among Protestant denominations during his life,” according to the Berkley Center for Religion, Peace & World Affairs at Georgetown University.

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Nearly all were Christians, but Biden only second Catholic 2

On Religion: Conflict among bishops goes public on Inauguration Day

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On Religion: Conflict among bishops goes public on Inauguration Day

Speaking to an Italian family association in 2018, Pope Francis compared the abortion of children with genetic problems to “what the Nazis did to purify the race. Today, we do the same thing, but with white gloves.”

A year later, Francis bluntly asked a journalist from Mexico if it’s “fair to eliminate a human life in order to solve a problem? The answer to which is, ‘No.’ Second question: Is it fair to pay a sniper to solve a problem? No. Abortion is not a religious problem. … It is a problem of eliminating a human life. Period.”

But the pope was careful in his Inauguration Day message to America’s second Catholic president, assuring Joe Biden that he would “pray that your decisions will be guided by a concern for building a society marked by authentic justice and freedom, together with unfailing respect for the rights and dignity of every person, especially the poor, the vulnerable and those who have no voice.”

The pope’s text was examined closely after reports that the Vatican – on behalf of progressive American bishops – tried to stop the circulation of a sobering statement from the president of the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops. The letter from Archbishop Jose Gomez of Los Angeles addressed the challenge, and blessing, of working with “our first president in 60 years to profess the Catholic faith.”

Clearly, Biden’s piety had offered “solace in times of darkness and tragedy,” said Gomez, leader of America’s largest diocese and a crucial voice among Hispanic Catholics. He also praised Biden’s “longstanding commitment to the Gospel’s priority for the poor.”

Nevertheless, Gomez noted, “our new president has pledged to pursue certain policies that would advance moral evils and threaten human life and dignity, most seriously in the areas of abortion, contraception, marriage and gender. Of deep concern is the … freedom of believers to live according to their consciences.”

Cardinal Blase Cupich of Chicago fired back on Twitter, attacking this “ill-considered statement on the day of President Biden’s inauguration” while claiming “there is seemingly no precedent” for this action by Gomez.

The Pillar, a Catholic news website, reported that the Vatican Secretariat of State intervened to “spike” the statement from the U.S. bishops after objections from Cupich, Cardinal Joseph Tobin of Newark, New Jersey, and some other bishops.

This clash was a rare example – in public – of ongoing tensions among American bishops about how to handle Catholic politicians who dissent, in word and deed, from centuries of church doctrines on life-and-death issues such as abortion and euthanasia, as well as hot-button topics such as sex, gender and marriage.

These tensions intensified in 2004, when a committee of American bishops sought Vatican advice on how to relate to Sen. John Kerry, a liberal Catholic who was the Democratic Party’s presidential nominee. The question was whether his strong support for abortion rights should affect his ability to receive Holy Communion.

In a private reply, Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger – now the retired Pope Benedict XVI – said that if prominent supporters of abortion continue to present themselves for Holy Communion, against the advice of their local bishops, priests “must refuse to distribute it.”

The committee’s leader – the now-disgraced Theodore McCarrick – claimed that Ratzinger’s letter endorsed compromise. American bishops have been arguing ever since about what some call the “McCarrick doctrine.” Meanwhile, Cardinal Wilton Gregory of Washington, D.C., has promised that he will not prevent Biden from receiving Holy Communion.

“Cardinal Cupich’s tweets certainly intensified matters,” said J.D. Flynn, editor of The Pillar, reached by telephone. “Bishops, ordinarily, just don’t do things like that.”

In his letter, Gomez stressed that Catholic leaders face the challenge of defending doctrines that do not “align neatly with the political categories of left or right or the platforms of our two major political parties.” This affects issues ranging from race to economic justice, from health care to immigration.

Nevertheless, for America’s Catholic bishops, the “continued injustice of abortion remains the ‘preeminent priority,’” argued Gomez. That said, the word “preeminent does not mean ‘only.’ We have deep concerns about many threats to human life and dignity in our society. But as Pope Francis teaches, we cannot stay silent when nearly a million unborn lives are being cast aside in our country year after year through abortion.”

Terry Mattingly leads GetReligion.org and lives in Oak Ridge, Tenn. He is a senior fellow at the Overby Center at the University of Mississippi.

The Tasteful Pop-Jazz Fusion From Spanish Singer Mar Fayos In An Intimate Album Debut, “Mi Propia Religion”

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The Tasteful Pop-Jazz Fusion From Spanish Singer Mar Fayos In An Intimate Album Debut,

New York, NY (Top40 Charts) Mar Fayos, a jazz vocalist from Barcelona, ​​Spain, presents her debut album “Mi Propia Religión ” (My Own Religion), a jazz-pop fusion with Mediterranean, Latin and soul influences, honoring each genre with great respect and attracting the most demanding listeners. With this album, the elegance and sensitiveness of traditional jazz are intertwined with powerful and personal messages of introspection and self-discovery.Composed entirely by the vocalist, “Mi Propia Religión” is an intimate album that aims to put music to the soundtrack of some moments in the lives of those who listen to it. The album is available in all digital platforms, but also is out in physical format accompanied with a creative Merchandising available through Mar’s website.

Mar Fayos graduated Summa Cum Laude from the Berklee College of Music in 2018, with a Bachelor of Music Degree in vocal performance, arranging and a minor in contemporary conducting. As a Berklee student, Mar received a full scholarship to complete a Master Program in Contemporary Performance (Jazz) at the Berklee Global Jazz Institute.

The vocalist has performed with accomplished artists such as Brazilian composer Toninho Horta, four-time Grammy winner bassist Oscar Stagnaro, the late legendary Mexican bolero singer and composer Armando Manzanero, and the outstanding jazz vocalist Dee Dee Bridgewater.

Mar was also selected to be part of 5-times Grammy winner and Golden Globe Nominee Antonio Sanchez’s Residency in México City. In addition, she is one of the semifinalists of this years’ Bucharest International Jazz, and the Juventudes Musicales de España 2020 competitions in the jazz category and was nominated to receive an Artist Award at Rootstock 2020 Music Festival.

Her debut album, focused on her personal approach to Jazz fusion is released while she continues her work in music higher education at the Bunker Hill Community College, at the Berklee College of Music and at Escola Taller de Músics in Barcelona.

European Union aviation regulator has cleared Boeing 737 MAX to return to service

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The European Union Aviation Safety Agency (EASA) announced on Wednesday that it had authorised the return to service of the Boeing 737 MAX commercial aeroplane. This authorisation applied to a modified version of the single-aisle airliner. The EASA-required improvements and modifications comprised reworked electrical wiring, upgraded software, updated operations manuals and updated crew training and maintenance checks. Commercial aviation regulators in the US, Brazil and Canada had already cleared the 737 MAX to return to service, also with provisos that certain modifications and upgrades were made to the aircraft and its associated procedures. The EASA determination is not applicable to the UK, which is no longer a member of the agency, following the country’s departure from the European Union (EU).

“We have reached a significant milestone on a long road,” observed EASA executive director Patrick Ky. “Following extensive analysis by EASA, we have determined that the 737 MAX can safely return to service. This assessment was carried out in full independence of Boeing or the [US] Federal Aviation Administration [FAA] and without any economic or political pressure – we asked difficult questions until we got answers and pushed for solutions which satisfied our exacting safety requirements. We carried out our own flight tests and simulator sessions and did not rely on others to do this for us.”

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The 737 MAX was grounded worldwide in March 2019, as a result of two accidents within six months, which killed 346 passengers and crew. The fundamental cause of these disasters was ascertained to be the aircraft’s Manoeuvring Characteristics Augmentation System (MCAS). Ironically, this was meant to make the aeroplane easier to handle. But it received its data from just one angle of attack sensor and if that malfunctioned, the MCAS would repeatedly activate itself and push the nose of the airliner down. That was what had happened in both accidents, with the pilots ultimately losing control of their aircraft.

“We have every confidence that the aircraft is [now] safe, which is the precondition for giving our approval,” he stated. “But we will continue to monitor 737 MAX operations closely as the aircraft resumes service. In parallel, and at our insistence, Boeing has also committed to work to enhance the aircraft still further in the medium term, in order to reach an even higher level of safety.”

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The physical changes to the 737 MAX required by EASA were the same as those required by the FAA, so that there will be no technical or software differences between those aircraft operated by EU and North American operators. However, EASA’s requirements did have two main differences to those of the FAA. EASA explicitly permitted pilots to stop a ‘stick shaker’ (a type of warning system) from vibrating if it was activated in error by the MCAS (to ensure that it did not distract the crew). And EASA banned certain high-precision landings by the 737 MAX (this is expected to be a temporary restriction).

“The mandated actions need to be seen as a complete package which together ensure the aircraft’s safety,” pointed out Ky. “This is not just about changes to the design of the aircraft: every individual 737 MAX pilot needs to undergo a once-off special training, including simulator training, to ensure that they are fully familiar with the redesigned 737 MAX and trained to handle specific scenarios which may arise in flight. This will be reinforced by recurrent training to ensure the knowledge is kept fresh.”

Fair Finance: How can the global inequality gap be narrowed?

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Fair Finance: How can the global inequality gap be narrowed?
UN Special Envoy Hiro Mizuno. Hiro Mizuno

Before his appointment as Special Envoy, on 30 December 2020, Mr. Mizuno, of Japan, served as Chief Investment Officer of the Japan Government Pension Investment Fund (GPIF). He serves on the board of the Principles for Responsible Investment Association (PRI, an UN-backed body that aims to create sustainable markets that contribute to a more prosperous world for all), and has taken part in UN discussions on promoting the Sustainable Development Goals.

UN NEWS: How did you come to be involved with the UN and sustainable investment?

Hiro Mizuno: My journey started with a charity dinner around seven years ago, when I found myself sat next to former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan. I was a partner at a private equity firm at the time, and Mr. Annan asked me why Japanese investors were not interested in ESG (Environmental, Social and Governance investing, otherwise known as sustainable investing). I couldn’t answer, because this was the first time that I’d heard of ESG! When he explained, my first reaction was that, in fact, this sounded very much like a natural fit with Japanese corporate philosophy.

I’ve been working in the financial sector throughout my professional life. However, up until I became the Chief Investment Officer of the Japanese Government Pension Investment Fund (GPIF), I had always struggled with the concept at the heart of the investment industry; that, to win, you have to beat the market by outsmarting everyone else. I questioned whether the industry was adding any added value to society.

Then, when I joined the GPIF, which holds more than $100 trillion in assets, I realised that we effectively were the market. This is when I came up with the idea of universal ownership: as universal owners, it made more sense for us to contribute, by making the system better for everyone.

We soon started to get questions from the big portfolio managers, asking us what we were trying to achieve, and how they should respond. We started to use the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) as a convenient way to explain our strategy to corporate executives.

ywAAAAAAQABAAACAUwAOw== Fair Finance: How can the global inequality gap be narrowed?
CIFOR/Tri Saputro
A farmer harvests rice in Bantaeng, Indonesia.

UN News: How can the financial sector address the growing gap between rich and poor?

Hiro Mizuno: The famous French economist Thomas Piketty, writes that the returns on investment outperform the economic growth rate. This means that those who hold financial assets become wealthier than the general workforce, who earn money from a salary. His conclusion was that, as a result, the gap between rich and poor continues to widen.

When I was at the Japanese Government Pension Investment Fund, my aim was to reduce that gap. We handled huge financial assets and, by growing the fund, we could use pensions to allow ordinary people to benefit from the returns.

As CIO, inequality was always on my mind, all kinds of inequality, including between men and women, and between the Global North and Global South. If you look at the 17 SDGs, you can classify them as being about either sustainability, or inclusiveness.

Achieving inclusiveness is, of course, a way of reducing inequality, but so is sustainability: if we fail to deal with the climate crisis, we will be creating a sustainability gap between past and future generations, one that is unfair on those who will be left to deal with a world that is in a worse state than at present.

ywAAAAAAQABAAACAUwAOw== Fair Finance: How can the global inequality gap be narrowed?
© UNICEF/Dhiraj Singh.
A woman combs her granddaughter’s hair outside their home in Maharashtra, India.

UN News: Should the financial system be completely overhauled?

Hiro Mizuno: One of the problems with the financial system is that it’s largely based on an investment theory that is at least thirty years old. Redesigning a system takes a long time. It may, eventually, work much better, but expending the effort may mean doing nothing else for too long.

We only have 10 years to achieve the UN Sustainable Development Goals, and that is not enough time to change the whole system. What we can do is try to address technical hurdles. If we do that, we’ll get less pushback from investment professionals.

It’s true that many of those who work in finance feel constrained by the system, but things are changing: 10 years ago, investment professionals felt awkward about putting the word “sustainable” in their portfolio, but now that is seen as being acceptable.

What we need, I think, is much more innovation. There are so many technically smart people in this industry and, if we can address technical issues, there will be a domino effect that will lead to real, systemic change.

UN News: What can you achieve as Special Envoy?

Hiro Mizuno: I’ve only been in this role for a short time, and I’m still trying to figure out what leverage I will have, but what the UN certainly has, is the power to bring decision-makers together to solve some of the world’s greatest problems. I’m very excited to work with the different parts of the UN System, as well as with the Secretary-General, to see how we can achieve change.

My goal is to use the financial sector to speed up the transition to a more equitable world. At a more practical level, I want to make investments more compatible with the Sustainable Development Goals.

As we head towards to UN climate conference in November (COP26, due to be held in Glasgow in November), I want to see us create momentum, and get businesses aligned between themselves, as well as with our social and environmental goals. One thing I’ve learned throughout my career is that, when everyone is aligned, everything accelerates.

UNESCO supports African Union’s launch of continent-wide digital platform to monitor attacks on journalists

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The launch will be presided by Cyril Ramaphosa Chairperson of the African Union and President of the Republic of South Africa

Today, African media stakeholders, will launch the first digital online platform aimed at improving the protection of journalists, address threats and violence against them, foster early warning mechanisms and enhance response capacity within the continent.

The launch will be presided by Cyril Ramaphosa Chairperson of the African Union and President of the Republic of South Africa. Notable speakers expected to take part are Audrey Azoulay, Director-General of UNESCO, Jamesina King, Commissioner of the AU’s African Commission on Human and People’s Rights (AU-ACHPR) and Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa. A number of African heads of State are scheduled to take part, as are representatives of the media and civil society.

The journalists’ safety platform will facilitate real time response across Africa with a view to ending impunity for attacks against African journalists including harassment, arbitrary arrests, assault and killing. It will constitute a cooperative mechanism to keep track of attacks against journalists in the continent, and support reporting on attacks as well as follow-up actions to combat impunity. It will also help create synergies among African media stakeholders in holding the perpetrators of violence against journalists and media outlets to account.

The digital platform will notably monitor:

  • Threats to the physical integrity and security of journalists and other media actors (including bloggers, writers, human right defenders and other persons communicating in the public interest);
  • Impunity in the abovementioned cases;
  • Threats to the confidentiality of journalists’ sources or threat to their physical integrity and security relating to their collaboration with journalists, media or human right defenders or organizations;
  • Threats to journalists’ privacy;
  • Restrictions on media freedom such as judicial and political intimidation of journalists (including hate speech and incitement to violence against journalists).

The platform was inspired by the Council of Europe’s Platform for the Protection of Journalists and Safety of Journalists and has been developed by African stakeholders, with support from UNESCO via its Multi-donor Programme for Freedom of Expression and the Safety of Journalists (MDP). It will be sustained through a joint mobilization of partnering organizations, namely four organs of the African Union (Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa, of AU-ACHPR, the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), the African Governance Architecture (AGA), the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights), Civil Society Organizations, media networks and development partners.

Distributed by APO Group on behalf of United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
















 

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PM expresses ‘grave concerns’ over EU…

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PM expresses ‘grave concerns’ over EU...
Prime Minister Boris Johnson

Boris Johnson has expressed his “grave concerns” over the EU’s move to impose export controls on coronavirus vaccines and impinge on the post-Brexit deal on Northern Ireland.

The Prime Minister held a call with European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen on Friday evening as Downing Street warned the bloc not to disrupt the supply of jabs.

In an extraordinary move that blindsided both the UK and Ireland, the EU invoked Article 16 of the Northern Ireland Protocol to stop the unimpeded flow of jabs from the bloc into the region.

Northern Ireland’s First Minister Arlene Foster described Brussels’ move as an “incredible act of hostility” that places a “hard border” between the region and the Republic of Ireland.

Brussels took the surprise step that provoked condemnation from across the political spectrum while embroiled in a row with pharmaceutical giant AstraZeneca over shortfalls in the delivery of jabs.

However, as EU Brexit negotiator Michel Barnier urged the bloc to step down from its deepening row over vaccine shortages, EU sources suggested the bloc may U-turn on the move.

A No 10 spokesman said: “The Prime Minister spoke to European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen this evening.

“He expressed his grave concerns about the potential impact which the steps the EU has taken today on vaccine exports could have.”

Mr Johnson earlier urged the EU to “urgently clarify its intentions” and detail how it will honour its commitments to the peace process, during a “constructive discussion” with Irish Premier Micheal Martin.

The Prime Minister “set out his concerns” over Brussels’ move in a discussion with his Irish counterpart and raised “what these actions may mean for the two communities in Northern Ireland”, No 10 said.

A Downing Street statement added: “The UK has legally-binding agreements with vaccine suppliers and it would not expect the EU, as a friend and ally, to do anything to disrupt the fulfilment of these contracts.”

Senior Cabinet minister Michael Gove spoke to his counterpart on the EU-UK Joint Committee, Maros Sefcovic, to “express the UK’s concern over a lack of notification from the EU about its actions in relation to the NI protocol” and warned Britain “would now be carefully considering next steps”.

European Commission vice-president Maros Sefcovic during a visit to London (Stefan Rousseau/PA)

The Taoiseach held multiple calls with Ms von der Leyen, and the PA news agency understands that Mr Martin was not given advance notice of Brussels’ decision to invoke the protocol.

The protocol, which is part of the Withdrawal Agreement, is designed to allow the free movement of goods from the EU into Northern Ireland, and prevent the need for a hard border on the island of Ireland.

But triggering Article 16 temporarily places export controls on the movement of vaccines, a move taken by the EU to prevent the region being used as a back door to move coronavirus vaccines from the bloc into the UK.

The European Commission’s new regulation states: “This is justified as a safeguard measure pursuant to Article 16 of that protocol in order to avert serious societal difficulties due to a lack of supply threatening to disturb the orderly implementation of the vaccination campaigns in the member states.”

In an interview with The Times, Mr Barnier called for a “spirit of co-operation” during the “extraordinarily serious crisis”.

“And I believe that we must face this crisis with responsibility, certainly not with the spirit of oneupmanship or unhealthy competition,” he added.

It was not immediately clear what steps the Government was considering, but culture minister Caroline Dinenage did not rule out the UK invoking Article 16 in retaliation, as called for by the DUP.

“The stakes are really high and everybody needs to keep their heads about them,” she said on BBC Radio 4’s Any Questions?, as she assured “we’re very confident in our supplies”.

Archbishop of Canterbury the Most Rev Justin Welby urged the EU to rethink its actions.

“Seeking to control the export of vaccines undercuts the EU’s basic ethics. They need to work together with others,” he tweeted.

Mrs Foster said: “At the first opportunity, the EU has placed a hard border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland over the supply chain of the coronavirus vaccine.”

Northern Ireland Secretary Brandon Lewis said the region receives its vaccines as part of UK procurement.

But preventing vaccines made with the EU from being exported could hinder the UK’s access to further supplies, particularly to the Belgian-made Pfizer jab.

Brussels has also demanded doses of the AstraZeneca vaccine manufactured in British plants in order to solve its supply shortage issues, as member states were forced to pause or delay their rollouts.

The EU’s “vaccine export transparency mechanism” will be used until the end of March to control vaccine shipments to nations outside the bloc.

It seeks to ensure that any exporting company based in the EU first submits its plans to national authorities.

European Commission executive vice-president Valdis Dombrovskis told a Brussels press conference: “Today the commission has adopted an implementing regulation making the export of certain products subject to an export authorisation.

“This regulation concerns the transparency and export of Covid-19 vaccines.”

The UK was not named among countries exempted from the new measures.

Meanwhile, AstraZeneca published a redacted version of its contract with the EU, which the bloc said was important for “accountability”.

The contract mentions that the firm would use “best reasonable efforts” to use European plants, including two in the UK, as production sites for vaccines destined for the EU.

The row intensified as the European Medicines Agency (EMA) authorised the AstraZeneca jab, which it developed with Oxford University, for all adults throughout the European Union.